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Chhattisgarh: Lost battle

2010-01-20T07:13:00.001-08:00

The people of Chhattisgarh appear to have lost the battle against industrialisation without rules. Even those who held out longest against the acquisition of their lands, forests and rivers are giving up the fight. Dilnaz Boga travels through the villages of Raigarh district, where thousands are being displaced

âThings are not what they used to be,â laments an old man in one of Raigarh districtâs 290 villages in North Chhattisgarh. Here, land issues have been central to the lives of the people who live off the land -- mainly farmers and indigenous people. The state of Chhattisgarh was carved out of the state of Madhya Pradesh in 2000.

Seventy-nine per cent of Chhattisgarhâs population lives in rural areas and 45% are below the poverty line. With 35% of its geographical area under cultivation, agriculture is the mainstay of its economy. Almost 80% of the working population is dependent on agro-based livelihood, but the irrigated area in the state is only 16% of the total area, according to government figures.

Forests, rivers, and fertile farmland have been taken over by flourishing industries backed by an unjust state. For several years, thousands have been displaced despite violent activism by the oppressed. Rivers have been bought and diverted leaving hundreds of villages thirsty and acres of farmland parched. Tribal people, who have roamed these mineral-rich forests for centuries, have been forced to seek employment and adapt to a different way of life as industries continue to encroach upon their lifestyle. Protected forest land has been sold to greedy miners who exploit its riches without considering the disastrous effect of industrialisation on the flora and fauna.

The state has been the first in the country to go to the extent of selling rivers such as the Sheonath and Kelo to a private owner who will use it to supply water to industries. This is just the beginning. Industrialists are lining up to pour money into Chhattisgarh in return for extracting a great deal more from it and, in the absence of just legislation and regulation, destroying both its people and the environment.

With the state government itching to meet an investment target of US $ 3 trillion by 2010, indiscriminate industrialisation is inevitable. Crucially, access to, use of, and control over, water resources, is becoming an issue in Chhattisgarh and has led to the emergence of peopleâs movements against government policies on water issues.

The movement started in 1998 in Boda Tikra village in Raigarh district. A tribal woman lost her life after fasting to death. A decade later, the Kelo river she fought to save has been lost too.

Elsewhere, villagers of Rabo and Danot have sold their land, some after holding out for a considerably long time. Many have run through whatever money they received in compensation and regret their decision to sell.

Another centre of resistance is Gare village where villagers are resisting the sale of their land by enduring bullets, baton-wielding policemen and intimidation by industrialists.

Boda Tikra: A forgotten sacrifice

Over a decade ago, Satyabhamaâs simple protest fast to oppose the privatisation of the Kelo river, on which 10 other villages depended, ended in her death from starvation. A decade later, her son, Ram bhoi (30), a labourer, remembers his mother, âMany people want to know what happened that day but nobody does anything for us. My parents were simple labourers, and my mother went to fight for water for the villagers alone.â

Ram bhoi, who has five siblings, alleges foul play: âShe was taken to a hospital after 10 days of fasting. My father was with her. She wasnât in a serious condition when admitted. She was 40 at the time of her death in 1998.â

Satyabhama was fighting on behalf of 10 villages which would be affected by a plant belonging to Jindal Steel and Power Ltd. In 1996, JSPL was denied permission to draw water from the Kelo river for industrial purposes as the District Water Utilisation Council felt that the river's waters would be inadequate to meet both industrial and drinking water needs of Raigarh town.

However, in 1997, the company managed to secure permission from a state-level committee to construct a check-dam across the river and sink wells to draw more than 35,000 cubic metres of water daily. Nearly 250 families dependent on river fishing saw their catches plummet after the construction of JSPL's check-dam.

Satyabhamaâs sacrifice has been forgotten, though what she feared has come to pass. These days the residents of Boda Tikra cannot manage with the borewells â" their major source of water supply now that the river has been depleted -- as they dry up in summer. Every January 26, the day of her death, her family prays at her memorial which they erected in the village. âThe villagers donât join us even though she died for them. The protest stopped the day after she died. People were bribed in the village. Nobody raised a voice,â says Kritya, Satyabhamaâs eldest daughter.

Rabo and Danot submerged

The fields in the villages of Rabo and Danot, also in Raigarh district, have been submerged by a dam built four years ago for the 1,000 megawatt (MW) Tamnar hydel power project of the Jindals. Farmers sold their land to the government, which leased it out to the Jindals for the power project. The farmers were promised jobs but have found only temporary employment.

âToday we didnât go to work because they said there was no work. Some families have left because of this. We sold our lands because we had no choice â" the fields would be submerged anyway. There have been no benefits from the dam for us. Only the Tamnar power plant stood to gain. We used to get wood from the area, grow rice and vegetables, but not now,â says a woman who did not want to be named.

âThey bring men from other states to work here, so if thereâs an accident, the locals wonât revolt as the affected party is an outsider. This way they canât make a union to fight with the company,â said a labourer in Rabo village.

Ram Pradhan (name changed), whose wife is a member of the panchayat of Rabo village, recalls how the protest fell apart.

âA year after the protests began, farmers lost interest. Some went behind our backs and took cheques from the government. Gradually, their numbers increased.â

In 2002-2003, state government representatives had surveyed the area for the hydel power project and subsequently presented a proposal to the panchayat. The villagers did not sign anything, yet in 2004, the work on the project began without their consent. They realised later that the state had sold off their land by bribing some panchayat members.

âWe even visited the chief minister. When they started encroaching on our land, we stopped them from taking the machinery through the village. On October 13, 2004, we started protesting in nine villages. Now seven villages are already submerged,â said Ram Pradhan.

Champibai of Rupunga village was a rebel icon, who protested alongside noted activist Medha Patkar. She sold her land after years of protesting as support for the cause declined. âWhat could I do if one by one the people who stood by me began to leave?â she asks. She now works as a gardener for the employers she protested against.

A villager from Danot alleges that the sarpanchs, or village heads, and the police connive with industrialists and approve the handover of the land rights to them in return for money. Thatâs how the Kelo river was sold, they claim.

A resettlement plan was approved by the state government in Danot village but the residents are unhappy with it. âThe amount of money that we were given for our land was paltry. Even the chief minister said that we would be compensated handsomely and we had it on paper, but the collector wouldnât abide by it. The houses they have given us in exchange are very small compared to the ones we had and are in the middle of nowhere,â says a villager. Almost 110 farmers from 70 villages have filed a case against the government for not giving them just compensation for their land.

They allege that the jan sunwai or public hearing that is mandatory before such projects are approved, was held in inaccessible areas so hardly anyone attended.

According to social activist Ramesh Agarwal of the NGO Lok Shakti, 22 companies operate in Raigarh district in the midst of reserved forests with a population of 3,64,287. Activists have moved the courts since 2004 against the Jindals and others. âWe even approached the Delhi High Court and the Supreme Court against Jindal Steel and Power Limited. Thereâs no alternative to the judiciary.â

Over 1.5 lakh people depend on the Kelo river which has been polluted by the industries. Some 70 villages depend on water supplied by tankers that is sold by Jindal. Hand-pumps have dried up. âThese people are just beginning to understand the implications of industrialisation without rules. Members of committees appointed by the government to resolve these problems are also on the boards of most of these companies, so there is a conflict of interest,â says Agarwal.

Gare: A battle still to be won

Gare lies almost 40 km from Raipur, the capital of Chhattisgarh. A coal-based power plant is to be constructed in Gare, but the locals are fighting the project with all their might. Gare is the only village in the district that has successfully resisted industrialisation. In the public hearing or jan sunwai held on January 5, 2008, the villagers were threatened that they would be arrested and jailed if they protested on the streets and blocked traffic.

That did not stop the protests and more than 50 men and women were jailed. But because of the presence of the media, they were released, says Savita Rath, a young activist. The resistance continues to date and though a few have sold their land, most have held out. Savita says this is because the protestors are under a good leader who cannot be corrupted or intimidated. Dr H P Patel has been able to organise the movement, collect money and help people travel from far-off villages to join the resistance movement.

There are at least five coal mines and one sponge iron plant in the area, and one coal mine that is seeking to expand. The industrialists, including

Jindal Steel and Power Ltd and Jayaswal Neco Ltd, have tried various means to break the movement. Six youngsters who were part of the resistance movement were charged with rape and could not secure bail. Their parents approached the only entity that could exert pressure on the police -- a powerful industrialist who was struggling to establish a base there. The boys were released and their families became the first ones to sell out in 2009.

Dr Patel complains that âmen have been bribed. People who have sold the land havenât been paid. Sixty per cent of the participants in this agitation are women. People from neighbouring villages have sold their land for as little as Rs 80,000, but those who held their ground managed to get the company to raise the amount to Rs 8 lakh.â

Patel has cleverly crafted the resistance strategy. He has managed to set up a fund to run the movement. Every Saturday, each family gives Re 1 during their weekly meetings. This amounts to Rs 170 per week, which is used to make food for the protestors who have set up road blocks.

For people like 85-year-old Munudai, who has spent almost all her life in Gare, it is vital that the resistance continues. âI was seven years old when I moved here. My parents and grandparents used to farm. Where will we go if they displace us after the village is submerged? I will not move come what may,â she says.

Dr Anupama Saxena, associate professor in the department of political science at Bilaspur University, and director of the Women's Studies and Development Centre, Guru Ghasidas University, Bilaspur, is studying the perils of displacement and gender. The women suffer the most during displacement, she says. âNo one takes their opinions into account, despite the fact that they are central to the family structure, and most times, contribute equally to the household economy."

Unkept promises, underhand means

Where rapid and unregulated industrialisation has occurred, it has been achieved by misleading and cheating the villagers whose land is crucial for any project. Rajesh Tripathi, a local activist, explains: âVillagers are offered only temporary labour jobs. First, the industrialists target the small farmers whose land is not fertile and who readily sell the land. Then they home in on the rest. This has happened in Janjgir village.

âThey bribe farmers not to oppose them in the jan sunwai. In each village 30% of labourers donât own land but used to work for the farmers. Now they work as labourers in the factories. So now thereâs a labour problem too.â

Another activist from Raigarh, Shiv Rajput of Lok Shakti, says that the âschemingâ industralists work by splitting the resistance. âThere is no unity to fight this, so this makes our movement weak. The industrialists have appointed people/officials in the village to split the movement. Industrialists target the one who has more responsibility or is vociferous in the resistance movement like the sarpanch, and they bribe him. As a result, the rest lose faith in the movement and it breaks.â

Farmer-turned-activist Chandrashekhar learnt his lesson the hard way. He was one of the few who did sell his land in Gare, and lives to regret it.

âI got Rs 1 lakh for the land I sold, so I bought clothes for the family, some gold for my wife, a bike and a television. Now I have finished my money. This has happened to almost 55% of villagers. Only 25% of people have bought land with that money. We still havenât been able to bring up the environmental concerns as we are still grappling with monetary problems.â

Chandrashekhar now travels extensively all across the state advising illiterate farmers about the serious implications of selling their land. On his visit to a neighbouring village, he lectures, âYour land is a buried treasure that all your generations will profit from. The money they will give you will only benefit one or two generations. Eventually, the money will run out. If you donât farm then the food will be less. More people are illiterate here so they canât gauge long-term implications. Industrialists adopt villages and build schools, clinics, hospitals etc and people see that as progress. They fail to notice the negative implications and soon become dependent on the facilities, which can be withdrawn at any time. The wages of the villagers depend on the amount of land sold. A cut also goes to the contractors.â

There is progress of a sort in the region, however. Workers from outside the state have been brought in to work in the industries, so villagers rent their homes to them, and some have opened shops to cater to them.

The farce of the Jan Sunwai

The jan sunwai or public hearing is a mandatory exercise and part of the process to clear projects as required by the Ministry of Environment and Forests. Officials analyse issues to be studied and then consult the public. The state pollution control board advertises the day and venue of the hearing so that the public can be present to voice its concerns.

In practice, though, the jan sunwai is easily subverted. In the case of the Tamnar hydel project, for instance, the jan sunwai was held in inaccessible areas so hardly anyone attended.

Ramesh Agarwal of the NGO Lok Shakti explains that the literacy rate here is just 15-20%, so people are unable to understand everything, and particularly not the highly technical reports.. But since it is all on the record, the people cannot claim that they were not told. âIt is just a drama so that people canât go to court in future saying that they were unaware of the environmental and health hazards,â Agarwal says.

âPeople donât play a role in decision-making, then how can you call it a public hearing?â asks Agarwal. âWe visit the spot after reading the report and it is very hard for us also to cross-check as we donât have any special expertise. We have to go door-to-door asking people to participate in protesting this degradation of the environment.â

A jan sunwai is being held in Janjgir village for the expansion of a coal mining project of the ubiquitous Jindal group. Lots of policemen wait at the entrance of a crowded park in case the crowd turns violent. âMy friends and I have come to participate in the show,â said a woman who has come from Janjgir village. Some youngsters were drunk. âFirst we used to drink mahua (the local brew) now we drink Aristocrat like you,â boasted Rakesh who had just sold his land for the expanded coal mine.

On stage, officials of the Ministry of Environment and Forests introduce themselves and welcome the crowd to discuss the expansion of the open cast mine that currently produces 6 million tonnes of coal. A 60-year-old man from Amgaon village in Janjgir says: âIâve observed the changing lifestyle all my life and asked God for betterment of society. God answered my prayers and sent Jindal. So much of development has occurred because of them. Those days we didnât even have bicycles, now we have bikes and mobiles and cars. Connectivity has increased. I support Jindal wholeheartedly.â

Thereâs commotion as those in the opposition object. The gathering is obviously teeming with many pro-Jindal supporters.

Gopinath Patel, a villager, speaks up against the projected expansion: âPeople are being bribed and coerced. Promises are being broken. People are promised jobs and then they are denied after the land is bought. Officials take advantage of their illiteracy. Water levels in the wells are constantly deteriorating. I object to Jindalâs intervention in this region, I beg you not to give him the permission to expand his project.â

A young businessman comments caustically, âThey will build schools, but they will also declare a holiday in the same school if they need the premises for a meeting. Three blasts take place in a day while mining and the school building even cracked during the blasting process.â

In a hut around 100 metres away from the commotion of the jan sunwai, Nandu, proud owner of 50 acres of land, smokes a bidi and says, âMy great grandmother worked on this land. We wonât sell out. They offered Rs 1 to 1.5 lakh for the whole area. They want to displace the whole village for coal mining. Where will we go? Will he give land to all of us? I donât think so. Washing and ingestion of water is already causing problems. We never needed bore wells but now we do. Trees become black because of the pollution when it doesnât rain.â

Unless the situation in the remote villages changes due to public or judicial intervention, or through awareness created by civil society, the environmental impact and the devastating problems that will arise through massive internal displacement will plague the people of Chhattisgarh for several decades to come.

Dilnaz Boga

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War against Right to Information

2010-01-20T07:07:00.000-08:00

Not only the Honourable Highcourt of Kerala but also Govt Departments like Secretariat of the Legislature, Co-operative ,Revenue , Public Adminstation etc are in a war against Right to Information . The latest battle ground is the legislative secretariat:

To understand the issue I request all of you to go through the order of Kerala State Information Commission and the response of the Legislative Secretariat

Adv.D.B.Binu, Secretary, Human Right Defense Forum. preferred a second appeal against the public information officer and the Applleate Authority of the Kerala State Legislative Secretariat .

The commission itself summed up circumstances of the appeal as follows

Â· On 18.4.2008, the requester/appellant had made a request u/s.6 of the RTI Act, for two items of information from the State Public Information Officer (SPIO), Kerala Legislative Assembly, Legislature Secretariat, Trivandrum.

Â· The information demanded were:-., the video tape of the speech made by Shri.T.M.Jacob which was denied u/s.8(1)(c) of the RTI Act. ( The print copy of the speech, in its transcribed form, was provided to the requester by the PIO .) The SPIO of the legislature secretariat denied the request

Â· An appeal was preferred before the Appellate Authority insisting for the video tape of the speech delivered by Shri.T.M.Jacob on 19.7.2005. The Appellate Authority had found that the information could not be provided because it was an encroachment into the privilege of the legislature and this matter was considered by the Privileges and Ethics Committee of the State Assembly in its report dated 13.3.2008.

Â· Disatisfied with this decision, the requester/appellant had approached the State Information Commission

The commission summed up the second appeal into three issues

Issue No.(i):-

Â· The definition of 'information per S.2(f) of the RTI Act would say that 'records' and 'data material held in electronic form' are information within the meaning of 'information' as defined in the Act.

The commissions clearly stated :

Â· The RTI Act has further elaborated the word "record" and further defined it in S.2 (i) of the Act. â recordâ according to S.2(i) (c) is any reproduction of image or images embodied in such microfilm (whether enlarged or not); and S.2(i) (d) any other material produced by a computer or any other device. Therefore, video tape is an information within the meaning of S.2(f), 2(i) (c) read with (d) of the RTI Act. A video tape has not been defined as such, but definitely fall within the definition of the above said sub section for 'record'. It is an audio visual record kept in an electronic form that could be played or exhibited and heard by any one. Therefore, there was no dispute with regard to question that video tape is a form of record and now a days recording of the procedures in the House of Parliament and State Legislatures had become very common and live telecast was accessible and open to the World. Therefore, the Commission finds that the first item of information demanded was very well within the meaning of RTI Act.

Issue No.(2 ) &(3)

Whether S.8 (1) (c) is applicable in denying the information? And (iii) whether the requester/appellant is entitled for a video tape and approved copy of the video tape?

Commission responded like this :

Â· The exemption section 8 of the RTI Act was drafted in such a way giving all possible protection to all the three Organizations of the Government in a democratic country viz., Executive, Judiciary and Legislature . With regard to the protection of the prerogative of the Legislature and privileges of the Legislature,

Â· S.8 had laid down the following dictum:

There shall be no obligation to give any citizen "information the disclosure of which would cause a breach of privilege of Parliament and the State Legislature". The privileges granted to the Parliament and the State Legislature are well defined and constitutional guarantees afforded to the Members of both the Houses. Privilege is a prerogative, predominantly invested in a House and is available to each and every Member who is present in a House. Article 105 of the Constitution declares to the World in unambiguous terms, the powers, privileges and immunities of State Legislatures and its Members. The Guardian of the privileges and immunities of State Legislatures and its Members.

Â· The Guardian of the privilege is the Speaker of the House or of the Parliament. The Speaker of the House or Parliament is also the "competent authority" as per Section 2 (e) (i) of the RTI Act. The competent authority means the Speaker in the case of House of People or Legislative Assembly of a State Union Territory for such Assembly and Chairman in the case of the Council of States or Legislative Council of a State. So the Speaker is the ultimate Authority to decide the question of privilege and what all interest constitute privilege and what all things are not privileges. And, the privileges as extended to a member of a House are essentially to enable the Member to discharge his duties and responsibilities as an elected representative of the "peopleâ

Â· The SPIO had provided the transcribed, print copy of the speech of Shri.T.M.Jacob to the requester as demanded by him. But had denied the Video picturisation of the very same speech of the very same Member. The denial of the video tape was not justifiable because of the rational used in the denial was equally available for denying of the print copy also. Having provided the print copy of the speech, the denial of the video tape of the speech is contradictory to the reasoning of the SPIO

Â· The SPIO would further say that whenever a speech or a submission is made by a Member of the House, the Speaker is armed with Rule 307 to expunge, edit, delete or remove any word, sentence or such other portions from his speech as he deems necessary to uphold the privileges and noble heritage of the House. In other words, what is printed and transcribed is the approved speech of the Member after having satisfactorily scrutinized and edited by the Speaker, as per Rule 307. So for item No.2, the information already provided was such edited transcribed, print copy of the request. What prevents the SPIO to provide the Video Tape of the very same print copy which he had readily disseminated?

Â· An audiovisual presentation now-a-days is not uncommon. Every proceedings of the House are telecast alive and, the Speaker is approving the telecast of the entire transaction of the House. In the circumstances, an edited copy of the Video Tape will just do no harm. It is not at all an encroachment into the privilege, had it been approved for publication by the Speaker. Prohibition for providing any piece lof information is to be made by the Speaker and it is unquestionable and unchallengeable. If he has approved one portion of the speech, the same could be providing. S.22 of the RTI Act shall have the effect notwithstanding anything inconsistent therewith containing in the Official Secrets Act, 1923, and any other law for the time being inforce in any instrument having effect by virtue of any law other than this Act. Further, the recorded portion of the speech is an edited and approved portion and not unabridged information

Â· After all, the Constitution of India details the democratic process as practiced in this Country; the very same constitution has conferred freedom expression as a Fundamental Right on the "people" under Article 19(1) (a) and the Members of the Legislature only represent such "people" and, when a citizen as provided with the right to such information under the RTI Act, 2005 enacted, drawing strength from Article 19(1) (a) of the Constitution of India, such information as defined under Section 2 (f) under the Act (ibid) cannot be denied, on whatever institutional set up or deliberations, that be.

So the commission passed the following order under the sign and seal of MR. Palat Mohandas (Chief Information Commissioner) and P.N.Vijayakumar (State Information Commissioner ) on 10^th of December, 2009 :

Therefore, the Commission finds that the requester/appellant is entitled for copy of the video tape of the speech of Shri.T.M.Jacob made by him in the Legislature on 19.7.2005. The SPIO shall provide a copy of the same to him within 15 days of receipt of this order.

The response of Kerala Legislative Secretariat to the order :

In a letter written in Malayalam by Ms Jayalakshmi Amma , The SPIO to the SPIO of KSIC and the petitioner Mr.Binu ( the subject of letter itself is â privilege issue in the Order of KSIC ) stated that the order of KSIC is violating the priviages of the assembly and so it is referred to the Ethics Committee of the Assembly .

The tone of the letter is that the Ethics Committee is going to hang the Petitioner and the Commission .

SO ALL THE INFORMATION SEEKERS UNITE , WE HAVE NOTHING TO LOOSE BUT THE DARKNESS AROUND US , CONTRIBUTED EVEN BY OUR âBELOVEDâ PEOPLES REPRESENATIVES .

Posted by sherfudeen

The INTERNET now has a personality. YOURS! See your Yahoo! Homepage.

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Public Hearing on Public Distribution System, Bender, Bolangir

2010-01-18T12:01:00.000-08:00

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Public Distribution System (PDS) means distribution of essential commodities to a large number of people through Fair Price Shops on a recurring basis in the country. PDS evolved asï¿½a major instrument of the Governmentï¿½s economic policy for ensuring availability of food grains to the public at affordable prices as well as for enhancing the food security for the poor. It is an important constituent of the strategy for poverty eradication and is intended to serve as a safety net for the poor. PDS is operated under the joint responsibility of the Central and the State Governments. The Central Government has taken the responsibility for procurement, storage, transportation and bulk allocation of food grains, etc. The responsibility for distributing the same to the consumers through the network of Fair Price Shops (FPSs) rests with the State Governments. The operational responsibilities including allocation within the State, identification of families below poverty line, issue of ration cards, supervision and monitoring the functioning of FPSs rest with the State Governments. ï¿½PDS, till 1992, was a general entitlement scheme for all consumers without any specific target. Revamped Public Distribution System (RPDS) was launched in June 1992 in 1775 blocks throughout the country.ï¿½ In 1997, it was made targeted with the introduction of below poverty line. Now PDS is available for two categories of beneficiaries like Below Poverty line (BPL) and Above Poverty Line (APL) .ï¿½ The state wise BPL quota is fixed by the Planning Commission of India on the basis of official poverty line which is adjusted to growth of population in interim. The poverty line is based on Per Capita Daily Income standard Rs 17 for the urban and Rs 12 for the rural (As fixed in the year of 1993-1994).

2. PDS in Orissa

ï¿½

PDS in Orissa work through a well organized network of different agencies, like Dept. of Food Supply and Consumer welfare, State Civil Supply Corporation, Food Corporation of India,ï¿½ District Administration, Store Agent, Dealers and Gram Panchayat starting from procurement of food to distributionï¿½ to the beneficiaries. While the department of Food Supply and Consumer Welfare is the apex body at the state level to decide the policy maters, the State Civil Supply Corporation as well as the Food Corporation of India procures the food grain from the farmers. At the district the district administration deals with distribution through store agent and Panchayat. Responsibility for distribution of food-grain toï¿½ theï¿½ consumersï¿½ varyï¿½ fromï¿½ï¿½ districtï¿½ and to district. While Gram Panchayat has been given responsibility to distribute rice in some districts like Bolangir and Nuapara , dealers have been given responsibilityï¿½ in other districts like Puri, Cuttack etc. In some in accessable pockets like in tribal areas, it is distributed in mobile van.

As per the 1997 survey, the total no of house hold under BPL category in Orissa is 45, 02,809, out of 67, 84,127 no of house hold. It amounts 66.377% of total household.

3.ï¿½ Entitlements of beneficiaries under TPDS

ï¿½

Since august 2008, Govt. of Orissa is distributing 25 kg of rice @ Rs. 2.00 per kg to all BPL families through out the state. But in KBK region, APL families are entitled to get 25 kg rice @ Rs. 2.00 per kg. per beneficiary. Besides that each APL family is entitled to getï¿½ 15 kg of wheat per month @ Rs. 7.00 per kg andï¿½ four litres of kerosene @ Rs. 9.50ï¿½ per litres. Besides rice, BPL families are entitledï¿½ to getï¿½ 2 kg of sugarï¿½ @ï¿½ Rs. 13.50 per kg and four litres of kerosene.

4. Supreme Court on PDS

ï¿½

Hearing the writ petition case ( case no. 196/2001)ï¿½ of PUCL vs Govt. of India , the Supreme Court hasï¿½ passedï¿½ several interim ordersï¿½ directingï¿½ both Central and State Govt.ï¿½ for transparent, efficient and effectiveï¿½ implementation ofï¿½ food security programmeï¿½ including PDS within last eightï¿½ years. . Some salient features ofï¿½ the order with regardï¿½ to PDS is as follows.

a. 35kg. of food grain should be given to BPL card holders at subsidized price.

ï¿½

b. A fixed address is not necessary to get a ration card. Even homeless people are entitled to ration cards.

ï¿½

c. People have full rights to copies of the records of any rations shop, within 15 days period after giving a written request and payment of the prescribed fee, to ensure that there is no black marketing.

ï¿½

d. In the event of corruption in TPDS, strong criminal action should be taken under the Essential Commodities Act.

ï¿½

e. Eligible People who are denied the BPL-TPDS card can apply to a designated authority in the state. In case of denial of the card by the designated authority people can apply to an appellate authority in the district, within 30 days of the denial order from designated authority, who shall give the decision as far as practicable within 60 days. Till the appeal is pending, the Appellate Authority may direct that the order under appeal shall not take effect. This means that an aggrieved person may be issued a temporary BPL-TPDS card.

ï¿½

f. In case the aggrieved person feels, he can lodge an FIR against the officials denying him a card.

ï¿½

g. The monthly ration should be provided to the beneficiary in installments.

ï¿½

h. It is the legal duty of all Fair Price Shop owners, to:

ï¿½ï¿½ï¿½ï¿½ï¿½ï¿½ï¿½ï¿½ï¿½ keep their shops open during the stipulated period

ï¿½ï¿½ï¿½ï¿½ï¿½ï¿½ï¿½ï¿½ï¿½ charge only the prescribed price

ï¿½ï¿½ï¿½ï¿½ï¿½ï¿½ï¿½ï¿½ï¿½ give the BPL cards to the card holders, and not keep these in FPSï¿½ itself

ï¿½ï¿½ï¿½ï¿½ï¿½ï¿½ï¿½ï¿½ï¿½ ï¿½not make false entries in the BPL cards

ï¿½ï¿½ï¿½ï¿½ï¿½ï¿½ï¿½ï¿½ï¿½ ï¿½not store or sell the grain in open market

ï¿½ï¿½ï¿½ï¿½ï¿½ï¿½ï¿½ï¿½ï¿½ not hand over such ration shops to other person/organizations. The license of all shop-owners who do not comply with these provisions should be cancelled.

ï¿½

On datedï¿½ï¿½ 8^th Mayï¿½2002, Supreme Court held that

a. Gram Sabhas are entitled to conduct a social audit into all food/employment schemes and to report all instances of misuse of funds to the respective implementing authorities who shall on receipt of such complaints, investigate and take appropriate actionï¿½ in accordance with law.

ï¿½

b. Gram Sabhas areï¿½ empoweredï¿½ to monitorï¿½ the implementation ofï¿½ the various schemeï¿½ and have accessï¿½ to relevantï¿½ informationï¿½ relating to , inter alia, sectionï¿½ of beneficiariesï¿½ and the disbursement of benefits. The Gram Sabhasï¿½ can raiseï¿½ their grievancesï¿½ in the matterï¿½ set outï¿½ above and the redressalï¿½ of the grievancesï¿½ shall be doneï¿½ accordingly.

ï¿½

c. Onï¿½ a complaintï¿½ being made to the Chief Executive Officer of theï¿½ Zilla Panchayat/ Collector regarding non-compliance of the order of this court, the concerned CEO/ Collector shall recordï¿½ the salient featuresï¿½ of the complaintï¿½ in a register maintainedï¿½ for this purpose , acknowledgeï¿½ receiptï¿½ of the complaintï¿½ and forthwith secureï¿½ compliance with this Courtï¿½s order.

ï¿½

d. The responsibility for implementation of the order of this court shall be that of the CEO/Collector. The Chief Secretary will ensure compliance with the order of this court.

ï¿½

5. Why Public Hearingï¿½

ï¿½

Proper implementation of any programme and scheme depends the involvement and participation of the people at grass-root level.ï¿½ It also requires constant monitoring of the community. Public Hearing is a tool and being used as open platform to air the grievances of the poor and marginalized, debate and discuss the problem of the people. It is also a platform where the victims, the suffered, the suppressed and exploited and the person responsible for suffering of the people, the officials, media, and intelligentsia come together and share their views aboutï¿½ the problem and possible solution.

ï¿½

Keeping it in view, since 2002, ï¿½The Humanityï¿½ has been engaged in organising mass mobilization and series of public hearings for effective implementation of food security programme in the state in general and Bolangir district in particular. . The organization has also conducted series of training to sensitise the Panchayat representatives, volunteers about food security schemes and Supreme Court judgment in this regard. The organization has also published booklets, pamphlets, posters on this issue as part of mass awareness programme. A band of volunteers has been developed in the district to independently monitor the implementation of food security programme.ï¿½ During the campaign, the organization has taken a lot of issues relating to irregularities, corruption and mismanagement of PDS in Bolangir district starting from making complaint to filling case in High Court.ï¿½

ï¿½

6. Public Hearing on PDS

ï¿½

A public Hearing on PDS was organized at Bender Gram Panchayat under Khaprakhol Block of Bolangir district on 17.12.09. 250 people including Ward members, BPL and APL beneficiaries, NGOs, Journalists, women SHG members had participated in the programme. This hearingï¿½ was organizedï¿½ by a Janasunwai Manch ( Committee of the people for Public Hearing), Bender and technicalï¿½ guidance was givenï¿½ by local NGO called ï¿½The Humanityï¿½. Mr.ï¿½ï¿½ï¿½ï¿½ï¿½ï¿½ï¿½ï¿½ï¿½ï¿½ï¿½ï¿½ , local volunteerï¿½ hadï¿½ coordinated the programme.ï¿½ Though all Block level officials like Block Development Officer, Khaprakhol, Supply Inspector, were invited to the meeting, nobody turned up. However, Mr. Hiradhar Majhi, Naib Sarapanch, Mrs. Sushila Majhi, Samiti Member, Ward members, Mr. Prahallad Padhi, Press Reporter Naxatra TV, Mr. Dusmant Pattnaik, Social Activist, Mr. Pradeep Pradhan, The Humanity, Mr. Siris Khamari, Press Reporter, Doordarshanï¿½ were present in the meeting.

ï¿½

The objective of the public hearing was as follows:

ï¿½

a. To provide a platform to the people to speak the problems confronted by themï¿½ in course of accessing the benefits from Public Distribution Systemï¿½ï¿½ implemented by the Govt. andï¿½ to know how PDS hasï¿½ ensuredï¿½ food security of the poor and deprived section of society.

b. To sensitise the peopleï¿½ about their entitlementsï¿½ in PDS

c. To find out collective solution to address the issues relating to implementation of PDS.

d. To sensitise both officials in Government, media and Panchayat Raj representatives about the issues.

ï¿½

Status of PDS andï¿½ï¿½ allotment of different items to the beneficiaries in Benderï¿½ GPï¿½ as per informationï¿½ received from Gram Panchayat.

ï¿½

Total No. ofï¿½ villages

6

Total Population

2761

Total Family

781

Total beneficiariesï¿½ covered under PDS

728

Total BPL Families

576

Total APL Families

152

Allotment of Rice given toï¿½ per BPL familiesï¿½ per month

25 kg @ Rs.2/- per kg

Allotment of kerosene given toï¿½ per BPL familiesï¿½ per month

4 litrers @ Rs 9.30ï¿½ per litre

Allotment of Sugar given toï¿½ per BPL familiesï¿½ per month

2 kg @ Rs. 13.50 per kg

Allotment of Rice given toï¿½ per APL familiesï¿½ per month

25 kg @ Rs.2/- per kg

Allotment of wheat given toï¿½ per APL familiesï¿½ per month

15 kg @ Rs. 7.00 per kg

Allotment of kerosene given toï¿½ per APL familiesï¿½ per month

4 litrers @ Rs 9.30ï¿½ per litre

ï¿½

Prior to Publicï¿½ Hearing, a survey was conducted to understand the accessibility of the beneficiaries to PDS items within the six months (from June to Novemberï¿½09). Total no. of 176 families were interviewed and their response was documented. At the outset, Mr. Karunakar Bhoi, local volunteerï¿½ presented the report of the findings of the survey in the meeting. Then the people testified malpractice in PDS and shared theirï¿½ experienceï¿½ in the meeting.ï¿½

ï¿½

a. As per Govt.ï¿½ Guideline, each BPL family is entitled to get 2 kg of sugar per month. But all the people present in the meeting complained that they have not received sugar since several months. Some beneficiaries said that they have received 1 kg or 1.5 kg of sugar in the month of Nuakhai festival (September). However survey was made among 152 families out of total 576 BPL families in the Panchayat.ï¿½ï¿½ Within last six months taken for survey, it was found that 152 surveyed families have received just 284 kg of sugar against 1824 kg (12kg per beneficiary within six months).ï¿½ It means each household has received just 1800 gram of sugar during last 6 months. Total 576 no. of BPL families are entitled to get 6912 kg (69.12 quintals). If it is calculated in context of availability of sugar per surveyed household, then it is found that total BPL families have received 1036.8 kg. It means around around 5875.2 kg sugar has been black-marketed within six months.ï¿½ Its market price will be Rs. 2, 11, 507. 20 ( at the rate of Rs. 36/- per kg).

( Please see details in Annexture-1)

ï¿½

b. In respect of distribution of kerosene, survey was made covering 175 families (152 BPL and 23 APL). It was found that total surveyed families have received 2002 liters in six months against 4200 litres ( 24 litres per family). It means each family has received just 11.44 litres of kerosene. It is calculated in context ofï¿½ï¿½ this figure, then total no. of 728 families of this Panchayat (both BPL and APL) have received 8328.32 litres against 17,472 litres. It means around 9143.68 litres of kerosene has been black-marketed by the dealers. Itï¿½s market price will be Rs. 1, 82,873.60 ( at the rate of Rs. 20/- per litre). (Please see details in Annexture-1)

ï¿½

C. As per Govt. circular, each APL beneficiary is entitled to get 15 kg of wheat per month at the rate of Rs. 7.00 per kg.ï¿½ï¿½ï¿½ When we started survey, it was found that the APL list is neither available in the office of Gram Panchayat nor Block office. During door to door survey, the people complained thatï¿½ï¿½ dealers have distributed wheat on their own wish without following the list. However, it was found from the Panchayat Office that total no. of APL familiesï¿½ï¿½ are 152. We surveyed only 23 APL cards making personal interview of the beneficiaries.ï¿½ As we found repetition of the cases, the survey was restricted to only 23 families.ï¿½ It was found that most of the families have received only 7 kg of wheat. However, it was found that within six months, total no. of surveyed 23 families has received 374 kg against 2070 kg of wheatï¿½ï¿½ they are entitled to get it.ï¿½ï¿½ Each family has received just 16.20 kg of wheat against 90 kg within six months.ï¿½ If we take this figure in context of accessibility of wheat by 152 APL beneficiaries,ï¿½ï¿½ they have just received 2462.4 gram against 13,680 kg. It means around 11,202.4 kg has been misappropriated byï¿½ the dealers. Itï¿½s market price will be Rs. 1, 68, 036.00( at the rate of Rs. 15 per kg).

ï¿½

D.ï¿½ As per Government Instruction, each BPL beneficiary is entitled to getï¿½ 25 kg of rice per month.ï¿½ But the beneficiaries complained thatï¿½ they do receive 20 to 23 kg of riceï¿½ï¿½ from office of Gram Panchayat.ï¿½ In everyï¿½ packet containing 50 kg worth of rice,ï¿½ there is always shortage ofï¿½ 4 to 5 kg of riceï¿½ in each packet.

ï¿½

ï¿½

Testimony presented

ï¿½

Shiba Sardhar,ï¿½ BPL beneficiary

Village-Bhaluchuan

I have not got kerosene 2 litres thrice during last six months. The dealer never supplied 4 litres of kerosene in our Panchayat.ï¿½ Though I complained, dealer never responded it.

ï¿½

ï¿½

Parameshwar Bariha, BPL beneficiary

Village-Badimal

I have received 2 litres of keroseneï¿½ï¿½ thrice in the last six months.ï¿½ BPL and APL beneficiaries are distributedï¿½ï¿½ just 2 litres of kerosene in each month.ï¿½ Dealers distribute kerosene in two days in a month. If one remains absence in these days, he or she losses kerosene in this month.

ï¿½

ï¿½

Narayan Pradhan, APLï¿½ beneficiary

Village-Bender

Sugar is not distributed regularly.ï¿½ï¿½ï¿½ During last six months, I have receivedï¿½ 1.5 kg of sugar in one month andï¿½ 2 kg of sugar in another month.

ï¿½

ï¿½

Megharaj Kumvar,ï¿½ APLï¿½ beneficiary

Village-Bender

Whileï¿½ taking rice from Panchayat, I requestedï¿½ to Panchayat executive Officer to give rice in proper measurement.ï¿½ï¿½ Because theyï¿½ alwaysï¿½ give 4 to 5 kg shortage of riceï¿½ in every month. Panchayat Executive Officer threatened meï¿½ to putï¿½ behind the bar, if I talked much.ï¿½ I could not speak anything and left the place. Any complaint invitesï¿½ harsh talkï¿½ fromï¿½ PEO.

ï¿½

ï¿½

Jayasuddhin Bariha, APLï¿½ beneficiary

Village-Badimal

I have received APL Card.ï¿½ï¿½ I have received rice twiceï¿½ï¿½ in 2008.ï¿½ One day, Panchayat Executive Officer cameï¿½ to my house and said thatï¿½ you are no more APL Card holder. Your card got cancelled.ï¿½ I was not provided rice. I complained to BDO, Khaprakholï¿½ about it. He said that he would see it. I am not receiving rice now.

ï¿½

ï¿½

Surya Bag, APLï¿½ beneficiary

Village-Badimal

Sugar is not distributed in our Panchayat. However in the month of Septemberï¿½08, dealer distributed sugar to the beneficiaries.ï¿½ The day sugar was distributed, my husband was absent.ï¿½ On return I told him about distribution of sugar. On next day, he went to dealer and Panchayat thrice to get sugar. But dealers said that sugar is finished.ï¿½

ï¿½

ï¿½

Debaki Bhoi, APLï¿½ beneficiary

Village-Kandeichhapar

She received rice twiceï¿½ in 2008. Panchayat Executive Officerï¿½ withdrewï¿½ the card suddenly.ï¿½ Since last one year, she is not receivingï¿½ rice.

ï¿½

ï¿½

d. It was common complaint that each BPL family gets 20 to 23 kg per month against 25 kg fixed by Govt. On this point clarification from Gram Panchayat is that because of shortage of rice in bags, we could not provide 25 kg rice to each beneficiary per month.

ï¿½

Participating in the meeting,ï¿½ corruption in PDS wasï¿½ discussed in Panchayat Samiti meeting. I have raised this issue thatï¿½ rice , wheat and kerosene is not distributedï¿½ properly.ï¿½ But nothing happened. I demanded thatï¿½ï¿½ responsibility for distribution of PDS should beï¿½ given to theï¿½ women SHGs. So that they can manage it properly.

ï¿½

After testimony presentation made by the beneficiaries,ï¿½ the details of issuesï¿½ was discussed in the meeting. The following recommendation was unanimously passed for effective implementation of PDS in theï¿½ Panchayat.

ï¿½

A team will meet BDO, Khaprakhol within five days and discussed about complaints presented in the meeting.

District collector will be presented a memorandumï¿½ï¿½ about large scale irregularities, black-marketing of PDS itemï¿½ in the Panchayatï¿½ and demandedï¿½ enquiry into the matter and take appropriate legal actionï¿½ against thoseï¿½ directly or indirectly responsible for it.ï¿½

Demand will be made for formation of a monitoring committee at GP level to monitor the implementation of PDS and the administration should recognize it.

Massive awareness needs to be taken up to sensitise the people about their entitlements in Food security programme in general and PDS in particular.

ï¿½

Report prepared by

ï¿½

Karunakar Bhoi

At- Mahurundi, Post- Khaprakhol

Dist- Bolangir

ï¿½

Annexture-1

ï¿½

Details of analysis of Survey made on PDS in the period of six months ( from June to Novemberï¿½09)ï¿½ in Bhanpur Gram Panchayat of Bolangir district.ï¿½ Total No. of 122 beneficiaries surveyed

ï¿½

Kerosene

Aï¿½ BPL family is entitledï¿½ to getï¿½ kerosene within six months

24 litres

Surveyedï¿½ 175 BPL/APL families are entitled to getï¿½ keroseneï¿½ within six months

4200 litres

Actualï¿½ quantity of kerosene received byï¿½ these 175 surveyed families within six monthsï¿½

2002 litres

Availability of kerosene per householdï¿½ during six months

11.44 litres ( approximately)

Total no. of 728 ( both BPL and APL)ï¿½ beneficiaries deserve to getï¿½ quantity of keroseneï¿½ within six months

17,472 lires

Total quantity of actual kerosene received by these 728 families within six months

8328.68 litres

Black-marketing of keroseneï¿½ within six monthsï¿½ in the Panchayat

9143.32ï¿½ litres

Market price ofï¿½ this black-marketed keroseneï¿½ ( at the rate ofï¿½ Rs. 20/- per litre)

Rs. 1,82,873. 60/-

ï¿½

Wheat

Anï¿½ APL family is entitledï¿½ to getï¿½ wheat within six months

90 kg

Surveyedï¿½ 43 APL families are entitled to getï¿½ wheatï¿½ within six months

2070 kg

Actualï¿½ quantity of wheat received byï¿½ these 43 APL surveyed families within six monthsï¿½

374 kg

Availability of wheatï¿½ per householdï¿½ during six months

16.200 kg

Total no. of 152 beneficiaries deserve to getï¿½ quantity of wheatï¿½ within six monthsï¿½ ( 152 X 90 kg)

13,680 kg

Total quantity of actual wheatï¿½ received by these 152 families within six months

2462.4 kg

Corruption in distribution ofï¿½ wheat within six monthsï¿½ in the Panchayat

11,202.4 kg

Market price ofï¿½ this black-marketed wheatï¿½ï¿½ ( at the rate ofï¿½ Rs. 15/- per lkg)

Rs. 1,68, 036/-

ï¿½

Sugar

ï¿½

Aï¿½ BPL family is entitledï¿½ to getï¿½ sugar within six months

12 kg

Surveyedï¿½ 152 BPL families are entitled to getï¿½ sugarï¿½ within six months

1824ï¿½ kg (18.24 quintals)

Actualï¿½ quantity of sugarï¿½ received byï¿½ these 152 surveyed families within six monthsï¿½

284 kg

Availability of sugarï¿½ per householdï¿½ during six months

1800 gram

Total no. of 576 beneficiaries deserve to get quantity of sugarï¿½ï¿½ within six months

6912 kg ( 69.12 quintals)

Total quantity of actual sugarï¿½ received by these 576 families within six months

1036.8 kg

Black-marketing of sugarï¿½ï¿½ within six monthsï¿½ in the Panchayat

5875.2 kg ( 58.75 quintals)

Market price ofï¿½ this black-marketed Sugarï¿½ ( at the rate ofï¿½ Rs. 36/- per litre)

Rs. 2,11,507.20 /-

ï¿½

ï¿½

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Faith vs Wealth: Hundreds of kilo of gold in Hindu temples

2010-01-10T21:17:00.000-08:00

Himachal's rich temples too poor to afford so, the Himachal Pradesh government is finding it real burdening to manage the hundreds of kilos (above 4 quintals as per official confession) of gold besides tonnes of other precious metals lying in its treasuries. Of course the treasure belongs to the gods and therefore it is certainly even more burdening to be custodian for the All Powerful. And what bright idea it is to bank on bullion reserves temple shrines across the state have – perhaps a godly stimulus for a fledgling mountain economy that is yet to fully integrate itself with the larger speculative world capital market.

But money being money, the state government is justified in feeling the heat of more than 410 kgs of gold (valued above Rs 70 crore) lying unused with it. Perhaps not a great amount to catapult the state economy into a thriving one, nevertheless a decent amount to do the cleaning job in at least the shrines to which the treasure belongs. According to a report, in 2006, Chintpurni Devi temple, the richest of all shrines in the state, alone made a collection of over Rs 20 crore cash besides more than 20 kg of gold. That is certainly lot of money considering that majority of Himachali companies, if there are any genuine ones, may not be having that kind of yearly turnover.

This would certainly make one believe the shrine might be heaven on earth, or at least a poor imitation of it with decent civic amenities. But that is certainly not the case. A visit to the place would make you realize that on reaching there you would be charged Rs 50 as parking fee and will yet be made to jostle through chaotic traffic of vehicles and humans. And that's just the beginning. The journey up the hillock can be more condescending. The story of filth and poor infrastructure being the same for all shrines in the state. The situation is particularly bad during navratras when lakhs of devotees, most of them from outside the state, flood these temples. The situation becomes so pathetic that it nearly becomes torturous to even pass through these temple towns, leave aside paying obeisance.

Though from time to time people have been questioning use of funds generated by these temples, hardly has any such audit ever been made public. The last time a hue and cry was made was after the Naina Devi tragedy but nothing great seems to be happening. The temples are collecting public money and therefore the public needs to be informed how this money is being spent. Leave aside providing world-class infrastructure, the temple managements can at least assure cleanliness, and I am sure the crores that devotees donate are enough for this job. It would have done a great service to the devotees had the government announced that the interest it expects to earn from these gold reserves would be used to keep these places clean, but that was not to be.

It is rather a great irony that in a country where half of the population still lives a poverty-stricken life, religious institutions are 'filthy rich', making them power centres. Another noteworthy fact is that most of this money comes from the not-so-privileged class that is made to believe in the supremacy of their faith. The problem is more visible in the Hindu society with the Brahaminical order making sure that the caste divide remains visible enough. Perhaps, that's the reason cleanliness in a Hindu temple stops beyond the sanctum santorum. Can we change this? Perhaps yes. Are the RSS volunteers listening?

Satyakam Bharti

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NRIs can vote from next general election: PM

2010-01-10T17:27:00.000-08:00

Indians residing overseas will get a chance to exercise their franchise from the next general elections, said Prime Minister, Manmohan Singh, in New Delhi on Friday.

Addressing the Indian Diaspora at the Eight edition of Pravasi Bharatiya Divas Prime Minister said: "He recognises the legitimate desire of Indians living abroad to exercise their franchise and to have a say in who governs India. He urged them to return home to join politics and public life".

Seeking the active involvement of the Indian Diaspora in accelerating the country's economic and social development, Manmohan Singh asked the second generation of the Diaspora to connect with the ancestral country.

The Prime Minister said the government has been able to expand access to education, healthcare and economic opportunities to a vast majority of the population.

Noting that India is one of the top investment destinations with expanding economic opportunities everywhere, Singh asked the overseas Indians to consider long-term investments.

He said Foreign Direct Investment in India by overseas Indians is low and far short of potential.

The Prime Minister said Indian industry is rapidly developing a global orientation with many of its companies transforming themselves into multinational corporations with global brand names.

He hoped that the newly established Overseas Indian Facilitation Centre will become an effective hub for promoting two-way interaction between the overseas Indian community and local institutions.

The Prime Minister said India's economy had fared well despite the unprecedented global financial crisis and recorded 7 per cent growth this year.

He said the country will return to sustained annual growth rate of 9-10 per cent in a couple of years.

The Prime Minister said that India is investing much more in building skilled manpower and would emerge as the largest supplier of the trained manpower.

The three-day event was inaugurated by Minister for Overseas Affairs Vyalar Ravi on Thursday. President Pratibha Patil will deliver her valedictory address on January nine.

The theme of this year's event is "Engaging the Diaspora: The Way Forward".

Nearly 1,500 delegates from over 50 countries including top businessmen, economists, entrepreneurs and scientists are participating in the event which will also see participation of 15 chief ministers and several Union ministers.

Lord Khalid Hameed of Hampstead is chief guest at what is formally called the Pravasi Bharatiya Divas.

Indian ministers scheduled to attend the three-day event include External Affairs Minister S M Krishna, Finance Minister Pranab Mukherjee, Road Transport Minister, Kamal Nath, Commerce Minister Anand Sharma and Planning Commission Deputy Chairman Montek Singh Ahluwalia.

Key speakers from abroad include Canada's Government Services Minister Harinder Takhar, Trinidad and Tobago's Minister in Prime Minister's Office Lenny K. Saith, Singapore's Community Development Minister Vivian Balakrishnan and Mauritius Education Minister Vasant K. Bunwaree.

The event, which coincides with the date (9 January) on which Mahatma Gandhi returned to his native land from South Africa, has been organized every year since 2003, and is being organised by the Ministry of Overseas Indian Affairs in partnership with the Confederation of Indian Industry (CII).

__._,_.___

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Jharkhand has been victimized by corruptedly politics right from the beginning

2010-01-06T23:42:00.000-08:00

Jharkhand Assembly Election is over. The people of Jharkhand did not give a clear mandate to any political party or alliance, which surprises many people across the country precisely because there was a hue and cry on corruption prior to the election and it was also an assumption that the people are fed up with the corruption, instability and uncertainty created by the unholy alliance, small parties and independent MLAs therefore the expectation was for a clear mandate. Unfortunately, everything went just the opposite. The corruption icon Madhu Koda's wife Geeta Koda, Enos Ekka and many other corrupt and tainted candidates won the election. In fact, among 81 elected members, 59 of them (73 %) are tainted with pending criminal cases like murder, kidnapping and theft. Therefore, what kind of governance is expected from these people other than corruption, crime and corporate terror?

The fact of the matter is the people did not give their mandates to the corrupt and tainted candidates but they got elected only because our democracy is on sale, which was clearly seen during the election. Now even the voters know that they can sell their votes at least once in five years. There is a major shift noticed in the villagers' minds. The slogan "no development, no vote" has changed into "no money, no vote", which the political parties have legitimated by openly distributing cash and kinds in the villages. According to Narottam Kumar of Dharampur village comes under the Mandu assembly constituency in Hazaribhagh district, a candidate of the national party gave Rs.50,000 to the villagers, carpets and Rs.10,000 to women group and provided liquor to men. Similarly, in Singhbhum region Rs.1000 packed in envelops distributed to each family and even the first time contesting independent candidates spent Rs. 5 to 10 lakh and secured 5 to 15 thousand votes.

According to the latest report, the corporate houses have spent more than Rs.300 crore in Jharkhand Assemble Election by giving money to the political parties so that they can buy the votes and bring policies in favour of them. Interestingly, the fourth realm of the democracy -the Media also adopted the culture of "coverage package", with the principle of "no money, no news". The media houses had told to the candidates that if they want good election coverage, they must pay them in forms of ads. Now, it is socially accepted that a candidate can buy the votes, voters can sell their right to vote and the elected members are free to bargain for money generating miniseries. But the most shocking fact is the Adivasis who are known for their honesty are also involved in buying and selling the democratic rights and also favouring the corrupt politicians.

Ironically, the holy priests are also in the part of unholy business of democracy. Will you be surprised if someone tells you that the corrupt politician Enos Ekka won the election and Benjamin Lakra with a clean image contested on the ticket of the Congress lost election only because the holy priests wanted that to happen? It is fact that the holy priests mobilized the people in favour of Enos Ekka on the basis of the work and benefits that he has ensured for the holy priests when he was minister before going to jail. Indeed, many Congress candidates lost the election only because the holy priests wanted to teach a lesion to the Congress. They believe that the Congress is the real culprit for Adivasis plight, which is of course not wrong. But the question is will they welcome the operation white hunt of Sangh Parivar against the Christians only because they hate the Congress? If the Christians are attacked in Jharkhand, they should not cry foul or pray to the almighty God to save them because they have handed over their houses to the devil for taking care of.

However, the things in the state have gone extremely wrong despite the strong secular forces prevailing in the state; the communal forces could able to grab the power. In the Jharkhandi market of democracy, the Congress, JVM, AJSU and JMM are the gainers and the BJP, JDU and RJD are the losers but the biggest loser is the BJP, who has lost 12 seats despite having favourable climate for winning the election. Ironically, the BJP was not ready to concede the moral defeat and formed government with the JMM, AJSU and JD(U). The BJP has become shameless party, who can do anything for grabbing the power. The Congress-JVM alliance did not go for any kind of horse trading despite emerging as the biggest alliance with 25 seats. It seems that they are looking for the long term politics. If they could be able to maintain their alliance, they would be in the driving seat next time.

Jharkhand is really an unfortunate state, where an independent MLA can become the state head, any one can manipulate the public opinion for grabbing power and swallow the huge public money. Take the example of the BJP, who defended its tie-up with tainted JMM leader Shibu Soren though they had tirelessly criticized the Congress for giving him ministry in the UPA-I. The BJP president Nitin Gadkari defended the party's decision of supporting JMM leader Shibu Soren to form the next Government in Jharkhand saying that stability and interests of the people of that state were the only concerns. Gadkari said it was Congress and not Soren who was responsible for corruption in politics. But he forgets that the JMM was the part of Madhu Koda government and not the Congress. It was supported from the outside but of course the Congress can not be given a clean chit. Both the parties – BJP and JMM seem to be the power hungry therefore they can justify everything. Another twist is Bandhu Turkey, who is supporting Sibu Soren to ensure that the investigation on purchase of games and sports materials for the national game halted. Most important question is will the BJP who tirelessly cries foul on the issue of corruption, shield Bandhu Turkey?

Sibu Soren is also unique in many ways. In the Assembly election of 2005, he had ensured the defeat of the JMM by adopting the dynastic politics and now he became another Jai Prakash Narayan in giving secular certificate to the BJP, who was the key player in the demolition of Babri Mosque, Gujrat riots and Kandhmal violence. He repeatedly said, "BJP is not a communal party". After joining hands with the BJP, now he knows that the BJP is a secular party at least better than the Congress. The question here would be if the BJP is a secular party why he was the part of the Congress alliance earlier and also did not go for the pre-poll alliance with the BJP? Can he be allowed to portray a lion as a lamb merely to grab the power? Most of the MoUs (54) are signed by Arjun Munda to sell forests, rivers and lands of Jharkhand in the hands of the MNCs and Sibu Soren fought to save these. Will he be able to save land, forest and water with the BJP supported government? Can he say that the BJP is not a capitalist party or only the Congress sold the Adivasis resources? How long Sibu Soren will carry on corruptedly politics for grabbing the power?



Jharkhand has been victimized by unholy politics right from the beginning. The state has witnessed the unholy politics brought by the BJP, flourished during the regime of the UPA and supported by the JMM. In these circumstances, Jharkhand can be saved only through two ways – i) a new regional party emerges with the understanding of Jharkhandi culture, socio-economy and politics of the indigenous people and ii) the almighty God, who can throw light over the power hungry and corrupt politicians for resurrection of the state. The unholy politics must be stopped if the state has to address the people's issues, engineer its destiny and grow with prosperity. Though Sibu Soren seems to be enjoying on his political move at this moment but he must be ready either to be jailed or leave the chair of the chief minister within next 6 months because he would be surely facing investigation agencies and one more Tamar test (election) as well and Jharkhand would be on sale, loot and robbery once again. Indeed, the future of Jharkhand seems to be dark under the unholy politics.

Gladson Dungdung

gladson@jharkhandi.com

http://delhi.ozg.in

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How Nehru’s Panchsheel ruined Adivasis?

2010-01-06T23:25:00.000-08:00

The India's first Prime Minister, Jawaharlal Nerhu, who is also known as the architect of modern India, once said, "Dams are the temples of modern India." According to him, the big dams would address the issues of hunger and poverty of India. Unfortunately, the big dams only created pains, sufferings and sorrows to the owners (mostly the Adivasis; the indigenous people of India) of the lands, which submerged into the temples of modern India. Similarly, the big industries like Heavy Engineering Corporation, Bokaro Steel Limited, steel companies, coal mining and other mining industries created only misery for the Adivasis. Consequently, the Adivasis became landless, daily wage labourers and servants of the bigwigs after losing their land, forest, water and other livelihood resources.

Ironically, the architect of modern India did not create space for the Adivasis in their own modern country. He only inspired them to add more sufferings in their lives for the sake of national interest, saying, "If you are to suffer, you must suffer in the interest of the country." Perhaps, the Adivasis never know what it means by the national interest because they are the people who have always suffered for the national interest but they never enjoyed the fruits of the national interest, they were also not given place in the India history and not even memorized in the holy land of martyrs in the national capital. Needless to say, the architect of modern India did not even bother to count the people who have suffered in the interest of the country, which counts nearly 50 million, who have sacrificed everything for the national interest. Among them 40 percent are Adivasis, 20 percent are Dalits and rest 40 percent are the people of other backward classes. Indeed, the elites never suffer for the national interest as they are born only to enjoy their lives and of course the country protects them in every possible manner.

However, when the issues of the Adivasis are discussed, Nehru is always remembered for his 'Panchsheel for tribal development', which is also called the five pillars of the tribal development. But does his panchsheel work for the Adivasis? Of course, it doesn't. In fact, Nehru himself went against of the principles of Panchsheel and so the Congress party and other Indian rulers. The history suggests that some policies were made only to close the Adivasis tongues. According to Vincent Ekka of the Indian Social Institute, whenever the Adivasis protest against unjust policies of the state, they are given some rights on paper to keep them silent like the barking dogs are treated. Obviously, Nehru's Panchsheel is the best in principle but the worst in practice as it was made for keeping silent to the barking dogs.

1. Non-imposition: The first pillar of Panchsheel says that the Adivasis should be allowed to progress according to their own pace and understanding of the situation. In principle, it seems to be very good but practically, the Indian government went against of it. The most important question is, how can you ask to the Adivasis to go with their pace and understanding if you snatch their livelihood resources in the name of the national interest and also do not provide them any support? The idea of Nehru was just like a day dreaming. The fact is the Adivasis' indigenous method of development was never counted by people of the mainstream of the society and the corporate development model was imposed on them instead. The Indian rulers never walk on their talk for the Adivasis. In the last 6 decades, many policies were made, which displaced, dispossessed and deprived the Adivasis from their livelihood resources but rehabilitation was never a concern for the Indian government at all but of course, they were much concerned for the corporate houses.

2. Respect of tribal customs: The second pillar of Panchsheel also did not work because the Adivasi tradition, culture and customs were never accepted by the Aryan invaders. Only the folk songs and dances of the Adivasis were romanticized in some extent but the tradition, culture and ethos, which are based on community living, equality for all and need based economy were always neglected, depicted as the worst and destroyed in many ways. Similarly, the religion of Adivasis was not recognized by the Indian constitution though many other religions emerged much later in India got recognition in the constitution. As a result, thousands of the Adivasis accepted other religions, religious enmity was created among them and thousands of their sacred groves were destroyed in the name of 'development'. Where is the principle of Panchsheel buried?

3. Development of tribal youth: The third pillar speaks about the leadership of the Adivasis. But the fact of the matter is the Adivasi leadership is not acceptable to the so-called people of the mainstream of the Indian society. The history proves that the Adivasis legend Baba Tilka Manjhi was the first man to fight against the Britishers in 1780 and hanged subsequently but he was not recognized by historians of the mainstream. Similarly, the other Adivasis leaders - Sidho-Kanhu, Birsa Munda, Fulo-Jhano, Nilambar-Pitambar and many others fought against the British government but they were not given space in the India history as they deserved to. Therefore, the Nehru's third pillar doesn't make any sense to the Adivasis. As far as the Adivasis are concerned, they have always groomed, inspired and promoted the youth leadership in their community.

4. Simplicity of Administration: The fourth Pillar of Panchsheel seems to be very well idea as the Adivasis' strong traditional self governance system exists even today, which the Britishers did not able to destroy and finally they accepted it and made laws for its protection and promotion. Ironically, the rulers of modern India including Nehru did not accept the Adivasis' TSG. Instead, he preferred the voluntary agencies for carrying out the development works in the Adivasi regions. The Adivasis' traditional self governance was not accepted precisely because it was a biggest threat to the authorities of Indian rulers. Though the Indian constitution has some provisions for the Adivasis regions as 5th and 6th schedules but there was no attempt made for strengthening of the traditional self governance of the Adivasis. In fact, the Indian rulers wanted the Adivasis regions under their control therefore they imposed numbers of legislations – forest Acts, Laws in the name of the protection of wild life, Land related laws, mining Acts and civil as well as criminal laws. Finally, they captured the natural resources of these regions and exploited it as much as they could.

5. Emphasis on human growth: The fifth pillar of Panchsheel emphasizes on human growth in term of the living standards, which is really appreciable. But as far as the Adivasis are concerned, they are not accepted as human being in India even today. They are always portrayed as uncivilized, sub-human, demons, forest-dwellers and mindless people. The Aryans invaders never treat the Adivasis as equal human beings. The Adivasis are always racially discriminated, exploited and dispossessed. The question is if you take away the livelihood resources of Adivasis without providing them alternatives, discriminated them and treat like sub-human then how can you expect their human growth? The Adivasis regions lack education, health facilities, drinking water, sanitation and shelter even today due to the deliberate inhuman treatment of the Indian rulers with the Adivasis.

Undoubtedly, Nehru is the architect of modern India, but it is also the fact that his modern temples of India, industrialization process and corporate model of development are the main reasons of the Adivasis' pains, sufferings and sorrows. Indeed, he is the architect of the Adivasis' misery. Today, millions of the Adivasis are struggling for their survival, which credit goes to Nehru and his Congress Party. Later on, the right wing and the left wing also added salt on the wounds. Therefore, now we (the Adivasis) must realize that no one can fight for us but we have to fight for ourselves. If we protect our natural resources today, we would be ensuring a better future for our children tomorrow. Before, we go for another movement against displacement, we must pray to our super natural God for not to forgive Nehru because he knew what he did for us. He created misery for us, he ensured that we must suffer and he turned our heaven into hell. His temples of modern India dispossessed us, his temples of modern India exploited us and his temples of modern India created graves for us.

Gladson Dungdung

gladson@jharkhandi.com

http://resume.ozg.in

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The sexual perversity of Indian officers

2010-01-06T23:14:00.000-08:00

SPS Rathore, a top police officer as sexual tormentor and killer of a young student; ND Tiwari, Governor of Andhra Pradesh who was caught on the camera in his sleazy sexual exploits, and forced to resign on 'Moral Grounds' - as the Congress party would have it, and Dinakaran, Chief Justice of Karnataka High Court, involved in another scandal, but continues to be fortified, using among other things, the anti-Dalit bogey of Udit Raj, will continue to haunt Indian democracy and its psyche for a long time.

The sexual perversity of SPS Rathore, former police officer convicted of molesting Ruchika Girhotra after nearly two decades of the inhuman event, which caused her suicide and snuffed out a young life of playful innocence must have shaken all people of any conscience. It has raised more questions about the credibility and integrity of our law and order system and of men occupying responsible positions in India's governance's structures.

While, the debate on the issue anchored by Barkha Dutt on the NDTV channel was moving, serious and comprehensive, what of next, and how do we protect our more vulnerable children from the poacher-turned game-keepers, are serious questions which have no answers yet.

Though different yet related are the sexual exploits of Andhra Pradesh Governor, ND Tiwari [in Congress-Gandhi cap?], which going by reports have been going on for several years. That raises larger questions about what goes on in the Raj Bhavans, whether they are dens of sleaze, and the relevance of gubernatorial positions in the country. Should a democracy where about half the population are illiterate, homeless, and struggling to eke out a living, be allowed to waste its scarce resources on them who seem to make no positive contribution to the nation calls for a fresh look at our Constitutional provisions.

The claim of the Congress party that Tiwari resigned on "moral grounds" is a national joke! He resigned on "immoral grounds" as a person of depravity and debasement. One is not sure if he was caught on the camera with his Pyjamas and depressing things down and in what sort of perverted acts. The nation has a right to know what went on in the Raj Bhavan and the media should show it to the viewers so that they will know what kind of debased democracy we are living in. Tiwari should also be prosecuted for misusing his power and position and should return all the perks he enjoyed as Governor to the national exchequer.

The electronic media will do well to expose his exploits, contempt of court or not, which again is a fig-leaf and big national joke.

Though not related to sex as yet, Justice Dinakaran's scandal of corruption is also deeply immoral and anti-social. When hapless persons are picked up in thousands and harassed by the police and the judiciary on flimsy grounds, it is a national shame that this person continues to be fortified. Impeachment is no answer, as it has never worked and is not likely to work in India. He should be treated like any other criminal and prosecuted. That the scandal against him is "anti-Dalit" is a bogey. He crossed the Dalit Rubicon several years ago, and cannot be treated as a Dalit, in any sense of the term. In this context one might also probe who is funding Udit Raj, a self-proclaimed Dalit upstart.

Prof P Radhakrishnan

The case related to Sri SPS Rathode, the ex Haryana DGP is one that has brought the IPS service again to the forefront of public imagination. While it is a fact that the public perception of police as an organization is not very good (for various assignable and non-assignable reasons), that of the IPS as the premier service has so far been decently high. But unfortunately in the recent few years, there have been many such infamous incidents of high-profile nature where senior officers of this Service have been found to be the perpetrators of the worst forms of crime.

The latest in this is certainly the Ruchika case where it is alleged that this 14 year old girl was forced to suicide because of Sri Rathode, the then IGP. What is even more alarming is the fact that it is being claimed that once this now deceased girl made allegations against Mr Rathode, the police officer used all means of personal and departmental power and influence to ruin the family members of Ruchika, including registering many cases against her brother and sending him to jail.

An interesting and noteworthy fact here is that even the then DGP Sri RR Singh has come out in the open to speak against a member of his own fraternity as has an IAS officer, the then Home secretary.

The way the media has taken up the issue and the way the fact that Sri Rathode was an IPS officer who supposedly misused his position, is being highlighted in the media has certainly added one more black spot to the service and to the police department as a whole. One can only hope that justice will prevail at the earliest.

Amitabh Thakur, IPS

http://delhi.ozg.in

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Madras Institute of Development Studies

2010-01-06T23:04:00.000-08:00

This is the birth centenary year of Dr. Malcolm S Adiseshiah, founder and chairman till his death (1994) of the Madras Institute of Development Studies. The petty power play of the few weaklings who control this institution now has reduced it to a metaphor for a malaise, a menace to the academia, and a drag on the public exchequer. Rueing the day he founded it and seeing the centenary jubilation turned into macabre Adiseshiah's soul might be hovering around restlessly, if there is anything as a soul.

Dr. Adiseshiah (April 18, 1910 to November 21, 1994) was an internationally reputed educationist from Tamil Nadu. In recognition of his outstanding services to the country in 1976 the Government of India awarded him Padma Bhushan, one of the top civilian honours. Since 1998 UNESCO has been awarding every year 'The Malcolm Adiseshiah International Literacy Prize' in recognition of his outstanding contribution to education in general and to literacy in particular.

After retirement as Deputy Director General of UNESCO in 1970, Dr Adiseshiah founded the MIDS in Chennai. In 1977, MIDS was reconstituted as a national institute for social science research under the joint sponsorship and joint funding of the Government of India through the Indian Council of Social Science Research (ICSSR) and the Government of Tamil Nadu. To ensure its national character, at the instance of the ICSSR in 1978 Dr. Adiseshiah made extensive changes to the MIDS Deed of Trust. This amended Deed governed MIDS till 2003.

The reconstitution of MIDS as a national institute was in keeping with the mandate of the ICSSR, which was set up in 1969 by the Government of India with the specific objective of promoting socio-economic research by establishing institutes in different parts of the country, funded jointly by the Central and state governments. The Council has so far set up 27 institutes. These institutions have been a heterogeneous ensemble partly because some of them were registered as Trusts and others were registered as Societies; and partly because the tracks of some of the institutions like ISEC, Bangalore (founded by Dr VKRV Rao, a former Union Education Minister, as a society, with hardly any self-interest) were well-laid. Compared to ISEC, MIDS was a mere hobby-horse.

Despite this, the liberal academic atmosphere which Adiseshiah brought with him made MIDS an international institute. His death did not leave an immediate void in MIDS as the ICSSR managed to appoint a highly reputed liberal historian, Professor S Gopal, as Chairman of the MIDS Governing Council. During Gopal's Chairmanship MIDS also had a good Director in Professor S Neelakantan. Neelakantan's self-effacing and accommodative nature, and respect for colleagues and scholarship, found him in good stead in emulating the liberal style of functioning of Dr. Adiseshiah.

Shortly after Gopal's term ended and Neelakantan's retirement, began the sordid saga of MIDS. As this was brought under public scanner in an earlier write-up MIDS ignores its long serving Professors in the Asian Tribune of 7 February 2009, the details are not repeated here. Only some of the flagrant acts since 2001 are highlighted below:

• Flouting the healthy practice of nomination of two Professors at a time for a period of two years to the MIDS Governing Council on rotation basis (till recently MIDS had only four Professors) to exclude, as a spiteful, vengeful act, one Professor who had filed a case against the MIDS Governing Council against its gross misdeeds;

• Flouting the rules of faculty recruitment merely because the Director wanted to appoint her cronies;

• Misguiding the judiciary through an affidavit that MIDS has its own resources, though from 1977 till date MIDS has been funded to the extent of 95 to 98 per cent every year without any break; to effect which a memorandum of understanding signed between the ICSSR and the MIDS at the time of reconstituting MIDS as a national research institute;

• Flouting the norm of consulting senior Professors to ascertain their willingness to serve as Director as established by Dr. Adiseshiah, and appointing an outsider whose only concern is his survival and well-being; and

• Suspending the well-conceived provision of retaining retiring Professors with a minimum of six years service as Professors in MIDS, as Professors Emeritus with all the facilities they had enjoyed before retirement, merely to drive out the Professor who had filed the case against the MIDS Governing Council.

• That the last violation was indeed a calculated malicious and mendacious act should be evident from the fact that well before the retirement of this Professor in October 2009 the MIDS Chairman wanted all the related provisions to be included in the agenda for the Governing Council meeting scheduled in October as the existing provision allowed for only review of the time-frame and not for denial or suspension of the position of Professor Emeritus.

The last minute change in the agenda abolishing the position of Professor Emeritus on the ground of "space crunch" showed that the new Director of MIDS was not only self-serving with no concern for academic development of the institution, but also an inveterate liar as MIDS then had enough vacant faculty rooms and there was absolutely no space crunch.

That only two members of the Governing Council spoke firmly for retaining the provision for Professor Emeritus, whereas most others spoke in one voice against it clearly showed that the decision was taken well before the meeting. That no member cared to get details of the use of floor space and thus call the bluff of the Director, showed the casual and partisan nature of decision making at the highest level.

The Professor who retired in October 2009 was served an "eviction notice" one month in advance, with a stern warning that if the room occupied by him was not vacated and the keys were not handed over to the administration his retirement dues will not be settled.

That is precisely what MIDS did as its "parting gift" to him. His salary for October 2009 and retirement dues were not paid until the media took up the matter.

To avoid personal inconvenience, in a hurry the Professor shifted all his belongings to his residence in the first week of November and sent a letter to the MIDS Director for arranging to collect the keys from the Professor's residence after settling his dues. When a journalist began investigating the matter the Director got away with lies and damn lies. As the report was no doubt poor journalism, insiders in MIDS discussed in disgust the low level to which the MIDS Director had stooped to save himself from adverse publicity.

The report in The Times of India dated 12 November 2009, by Assistant Editor Jayaraj Sivan ran thus:

Centre of excellence in city struggles for space

Chennai: Hardly a week passes by at the Madras Institute of Development Studies without students from colleges in Tamil Nadu and nearby states visiting the campus for referring to its rich collection of books.

The nearly four-decade-old institution is now crumbling under its own weight, primarily owing to lack of space and also because of a financial crunch, feels its director R Maria Saleth. MIDS is gearing up to celebrate its founder's birth centenary.

"But there is hardly anything to cheer about at this juncture. The condition of this centre of excellence is pitiable - owing to lack of space in our library we have virtually stopped purchase of new books. Our library racks are packed and many books get damaged as they are pulled out. To top it all, the 70-year-old building leaks during rain."

The institute is located on eight grounds (one ground is 2,400 sq ft) donated by Adiseshiah, in upmarket Gandhinagar, Adyar. It has 20 faculty members and 32 research scholars. "Our primary source of funding comes in the form of grants (Rs. 79 lakh each) from ICSSR and the state government. Still, we will fall short of roughly Rs. one crore in meeting budgetary requirements during the current financial year. When the institute faced a severe financial crisis a few years ago, it sold another [sic!] property in the city, donated by Adiseshiah, for Rs. five crore and deposited the amount in the bank. We are able to fulfill our salary commitments only out of the interest from the deposit," said Saleth.

The institute has been following the practice of absorbing its retired faculty as professors emeritus (they enjoy all facilities but do not get salary). "We were forced to do away with this system recently when one of our eminent sociologists, P Radhakrishnan, retired. Three more professors will retire in the next one year. Though we want them to continue, we do not have space to accommodate them," lamented Saleth, adding, "The institute has been making representations to the government to allot some land. There is no progress on that front so far. The only alternative is to pull down the present building and construct a new one, taking advantage of the additional floor space index (FSI is the ratio of land area to built-up area) permitted in the new master plan for the city. But that won't be a permanent solution."

None of the issues mentioned above is true. On an average MIDS gets only 3-4 students a day from outside. They are allowed to use the library only if they are doing M Phil or Ph D. Even then they are not allowed in the stack rooms. As MIDS continues to buy books and journals, if the statement to the contrary comes to the notice of the funding agencies it will be forced to repay a major chunk of the grants already received. MIDS has three buildings. The frontage, which is just about one-tenth of the entire floor space, is probably 70 years old. The main building after the frontage was built in the 1980s, and the annex was built in the 1990s.

In the report the Director admits that the primary source of MIDS funding comes in the form of grants from ICSSR and the state government. Contrast this with the statement that "it is the case of the first respondent, that it has got its own sources of funding." This is from the Madras High Court judgment dated 23 November 2006 in the writ petitions filed by two faculty members against the MIDS Chairman and Director for violating the faculty recruitment rules which went against them. If MIDS has its own resources why blame governments and also cringe before them. In any case, the additional one crore mentioned in the report is an exaggeration, just to misguide the report.

MIDS did not sell its land for want of money. The land was Dr Adiseshiah's estate bequeathed to MIDS. The Trustees and the Governing Council had discussed at length how best the estate could be used, and decided that the best thing to do was sell it and add the proceedings to the MIDS corpus.

As the report was in poor taste, an angry scholar from the JNU replied to it through an email dated November 17, which was in circulation among various discussion groups. The email captures the deception of both the MIDS Director and the journalist:

The problem of MIDS is partly historical because it was registered as a Trust; - Trusts by their very nature are vulnerable to manipulation and lack transparency -; partly the persistence of white-collar slavery as one sees the abject surrender of the MIDS Chairman and Director to the Trustees; and partly absentee landlordism, with the Bangalore-based Chairman of the Board of Trustees lording the Hyderabad-based MIDS Chairman, who being indecisive relaying the Kurien commandments to the Chennai-based MIDS Director, who being inexperienced in the working of ICSSR institutions leaving everything to the whims of a humpty-dumpty in the administration and another humpty-dumpty in the accounts section.

As money spent on institutions like MIDS is money thrown down the drain, it is high time the funding agencies seriously thought about the future funding of MIDS. Meanwhile, to bring about a modicum of transparency, the ICSSR and Tamil Nadu Government should insist that MIDS subjects itself to the purview of the Right to Information Act and display the relevant details on its website. It is strange that MIDS has not done this so far though other ICSSR institutions have done it long ago. The Minister for Human Resource Development, Kapil Sibal, should also order an immediate review of the functioning of these institutions; more so, when huge funds received from foreign agencies are not shown anywhere.

Prof Radhakrishnan

http://chennai.ozg.in

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UPSC increases Civil Services intake from 580 to 965

2010-01-03T21:51:00.000-08:00

With the government deciding to recruit more IPS officers to meet growing security needs, the Union Public Service Commission (UPSC) has substantially increased the total intake into the Civil Services from 580 in 2009 to 965 in 2010 -- an increase of 385 seats.

Though the total vacancies (965) to be filled through the 2010 Civil Services Examination (CSE) will be meant for all 24 services, including IAS, IFS, IPS, IRS and others, the police services will see a major jump in intake. The police services include IPS and Delhi, Andaman and Nicobar, and Puducherry services.

The decision on increased intake was announced by UPSC through its notification for the CSE-2010 on Saturday.

In fact, home minister P Chidambaram had in November last year announced the decision "to increase the annual batch size of IPS officers from 130 to 150".

As Chidambaram said, even the batch of 2009 - which has just taken its CSE (Main) - will see a few more IPS officers when the final result is announced sometime in May.

In 2008, UPSC had taken 791 candidates, including 120 in IAS, 26 in IFS and 130 in IPS.

"Since the UPSC notification clearly says that the number of vacancies is liable to alteration, it can easily induct 150 IPS officers through the 2009 CSE," said an official.

According to the notification, the Preliminary Examination of the CSE for recruitment to the 24 services will be held on May 23. "The number of vacancies to be filled on the results of the examination is expected to be approximately 965," it said, adding the number of vacancies is liable to alteration.

The decision to increase the intake of IPS officers was taken on the basis of the recommendation of a one-man committee headed by retired IPS officer Kamal Kumar. The report, submitted on October 15 last year, confirmed the home ministry's earlier concerns that there was grave neglect in determining the number of candidates to be recruited to IPS in the CSE during the four-year period 1999-2002.

"As against the number of 85, only 36 candidates were recruited each year, resulting in a shortfall of 49 candidates a year or a total shortfall of 196 candidates," said an official.

The report had recommended that the annual recruitment between 2009-10 and 2019-20 be fixed at 130 and that a Limited Competitive Examination may also be conducted for 7 years to recruit an additional 448 candidates. The ministry had, however, subsequently decided to increase the intake from 130 to 150 to meet the shortfall.

TNN 4 January 2010

http://delhi.ozg.in

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America tells its citizens to be careful and defer travel to Andhra

2009-12-30T22:27:00.000-08:00

The US government has issued a fresh travel alert asking its citizens to be cautious and defer their travel to Andhra Pradesh as violence continues there over the issue of a separate Telangana state.

"The US government continues to receive information that terrorist groups may be planning attacks in India," the State Department said Tuesday in the third travel alert issued since Oct 29. The new alert expires Jan 31.

"Terrorists and their sympathisers have demonstrated their willingness and capability to attack targets where Americans or Westerners are known to congregate or visit," the advisory said while alerting US citizens to continuing security concerns in India.

"In addition, there continues to be a possibility of violence in the south-central Indian state of Andhra Pradesh over the contentious issue of creating a separate state," the State Department said.

"The November 2008 attacks in Mumbai provided a vivid reminder that hotels and other public places are especially attractive targets for terrorist groups," the alert said, asking US citizens to always practice good security, maintain a heightened situational awareness and a low profile.

"Americans are advised to monitor local news reports and consider the level of security present when visiting public places, including religious sites, or choosing hotels, restaurants, entertainment and recreation venues."

The advisory suggested that US citizens defer all non-essential travel to Telangana and certain parts of Hyderabad, especially the assembly and secretariat, Osmania University, Panjagutta, and Ameerpet areas.

There has also been sporadic unrest in the coastal Andhra and Rayalaseema regions, most notably in the cities of Vijayawada, Visakhapatnam, Guntur, Ongole, Kurnool, and Chittoor, it said.

"Andhra Pradesh continues to experience episodic civil unrest as pro- and anti-statehood political groups rally supporters to their respective causes. A number of strikes have shut down schools and businesses, making it at times difficult to obtain essentials such as gasoline," the advisory said.

Protesters have targeted public transport, attacking trains and burning numerous buses. Public transport networks have been forced to shut down several times, it said.

Washington, Dec 30 / IANS

http://andhra.ozg.in

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UK and US protest new Indian visa rules, NRIs affected

2009-12-24T04:12:00.000-08:00

Britain and the US have lodged a diplomatic protest with India after the government in Delhi introduced rules barring tourists from returning to the country within two months of any visit.

The new visa rules, which also apply to other foreign nationals, are apparently a reaction to the arrest in the US of a Mumbai terror suspect, David Coleman Headley, who had entered India on a multiple-entry visa.

The British high commission in Delhi has urged the Indian government to rethink the policy, which is expected to hit tourists planning to use India as a base for touring the region.

It will also be a blow to thousands of Britons living in India on long-term tourist visas. Many foreigners living in India prefer to use tourist visas rather than go through the complicated process of trying to secure a visa that would grant them the right to residency.

Some apply for six-month tourist visas and then travel to nearby countries, such as Nepal, to renew them. Those on longer-term tourist visas ‑ for five or 10 years ‑ are also required to leave the country every 180 days and tend to fly out for a couple of days before returning. Under the new rules, that would no longer be an option.

Posts on internet travel forums suggest that some British tourists have already fallen foul of the rules and have found themselves stranded and unable to return to India after visiting neighbouring countries.

On the IndiaMike forum one poster, from London, described how he had been renting an apartment in Goa and had travelled to Nepal to apply for a new six-month tourist visa, only to be informed that he would not be allowed back in for two months.

"This is insane," he wrote. "How can you introduce a rule without any prior warning and let ppl [sic] make plans and pay for flights etc and mess everything up for them … I now have no option but to get a transit visa and leg it back to Goa, get my stuff and leave … all this achieves is me and 1000's of others having to cut their plans short and spend none of that cash into the system … Well done!!"

A spokesman for the British high commission said the high commissioner had written to protest. "We have discussed this matter with the government of India. As yet there is no real clarity over the details of the proposals or of how they might be implemented. We understand that the Indian government is reconsidering its plans. We shall keep a close eye on this as it develops because it has the potential to impact on a large number of British nationals."

Details of the plans are yet to be published but reports in India suggested that people of Indian origin living in the UK will also be caught up in the rule change.

Many British passport holders with Indian origins use tourist visas to visit relatives in India rather than tackling the bureaucratic minefield involved in applying for a Person of Indian Origin card, which would allow them entry into the country. They will also be subject to the no return for two months rule.

The Indian government has apparently sought to defuse the row by giving consular officials the power to grant exemptions in exceptional cases, although there is as yet no clarity on how that might be applied.

British diplomatic sources also suggested the changes had alarmed some Indian companies with nationals working overseas, who feared that their business interests might be affected if other countries introduced reciprocal arrangements.

The decision, by India's home ministry, comes after officials reviewed the case of Headley, who is under arrest in the US accused of scouting targets for terrorist attacks, including the Mumbai attacks last year which left 166 people dead.

He was found to have used a multiple entry business visa to make nine trips to India, during which time he is alleged to have visited a number of potential targets.

India has already cracked down on business visas this year, informing thousands of holders that they must return to their home countries and prove that they meet much stricter criteria before new visas will be issued.

Ironically, the clampdown comes as the country attempts to boost its tourism industry. Last week the home minister, P Chidambaram, announced the trial introduction of a visa on arrival scheme for citizens of Singapore, Japan, New Zealand, Luxembourg and Finland and said a country the size of India should be attracting at least 50 million visitors a year. About five million tourists visit India every year, including an estimated three quarters of a million Britons.

A final draft of the visa regulations is expected to be issued next month but in the meantime a number of embassies in India have notified their citizens of the changes. The Indian embassy in Berlin has also posted the rule on its website, noting that "a minimum gap of two months is mandatory between visits as tourists to India".

The introduction of the new system coincides with a visit to India by the business secretary, Lord Mandelson, who has been trying to calm Indian concerns over changes to Britain's immigration rules.

Monday 21 December 2009 / Guardian, UK

http://delhi.ozg.in

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Now voting compulsory in Gujarat

2009-12-21T16:13:00.000-08:00

It is interesting -- no, not ironical -- that chief minister Narendra Modi was not present when the state assembly had passed the Gujarat Local Authorities Laws (Amendment) Bill, 2009 making voting compulsory on Saturday. It shows that sincere intentions do not always translate into action.

There is the clichéd slip between the cup and the lip and all that. And this could very well affect the pattern of implementation of this law. This is indeed a practical difficulty and most objections seem to hinge on this alone. The Election Commission, jurists, Modi's opponents like the Congress politicians, grudgingly admit that the idea is good but it is impractical. Everyone seems to think that compulsory voting is a way of promoting, deepening and strengthening democracy. That is where the danger lies.

The idea is bad in itself because it is punitive in nature and this is antithetical to democracy whose foundational principle is freedom.

That is, it implies that you are free to vote and not to vote, you are free to believe and not believe -- many, but not true democrats, would baulk at this - in democracy. India's democracy evangelists are willing to pursue any wild idea, including imposing it because they believe in it as an article of faith. It is not surprising that in Taliban fashion they want to impose it on people. In doing so, they are only too willing to trample upon the spirit of democracy.

There is loud lamentation among the articulate classes that there is a need to counter the rising democratic apathy, seen especially in the low voter turnout in election after election. And that somehow and in some way, civic virtues -- and voting is one of them -- need to be imposed in the old-fashioned tyrannical way. The presumption behind this thinking is that of pushing things from above instead of letting them emerge from below.

Modi's specific arguments need to be countered as well. He thinks that this law will help in increasing voter turnout. A higher voter turn out is always a good thing, if it is voluntary.

Gujarat's chief minister is not averse to authoritarian tactics, something he shares as member of a right-wing political party which is prone to totalitarian thoughts, and this law betrays the tendency. There is a need to declare loudly and clearly that India is a liberal democracy and not a people's democracy of the communist and fascist kind. There is no place in the liberal ideology for mandated civic virtues.

December 21, 2009 / DNA

http://gujarat.ozg.in

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Ram and Rahim as Good Neighbours

2009-12-20T19:11:00.000-08:00

The leak and tabling of Liberhan Commission report has created a big turmoil in the country. While most of the sides have been shouting hoarse about their own position on the issue, not much has been talked about the future solution of this vexed problem.

We recall that the mosque built by Mir Baqui around five centuries ago has been deliberately dragged into the controversy. At the time of Independence it was a mosque, no political party had claimed anything to the contrary. As per the understanding in the constitution, the status of 1947 was to be maintained in cases of places of worship. The installation of Ram lalla idols by deceit in midnight of 22nd Jan 1949 sowed the seeds of controversy. Later in 1975 the dispute between two local groups was taken up by Vishwa Hindu Parishad and in 1989, BJP decided to make a political issue out of it. The tragic demolition and the making of makeshift Ram temple there have added new dimensions to the issue.

It is around this issue that Hindu and Muslim communalists raised the emotional pitch and the tragedies which followed, the demolition, the post demolition communal violence and communalization, polarization of society along religious lines are too well known by now. The court case regarding the same is dragging from last several years without any outcome so far.

Where do we go from here? Do we let this sore to continue on the body politic of the nation? This may act as the trouble spot for the future. It is time that we look at all the aspects of the issue and try to bring a peaceful solution to the issue.

The first step in the issue is to realize that it the communal forces from both communities which have claimed that they represent the community and so they will decide on behalf of Hindus or Muslims respectively. The fact of the matter and, this has been confirmed by Liberhan Commission report, is that these communal groups neither represent the community nor reflect the opinion the communities as a whole. It is imperative that we look forward to the liberal sections, leadership from these communities to come forward and talk in the language of reconciliation. The liberal sections are those who have so far been ignored, but they are the one's who have talked of peace and accommodation. The election results have also shown that those claiming to represent the aspirations of a particular community have been routed in popular elections. The elected representatives of the area have a major role to play in bringing the consensus. We cannot undo the past but we can definitely chart a peaceful path for future. The peaceful talks between these sections along with the local people of Ayodhya are the central core for solution.

The people of Ayodhya have also been the victims of the demolition and other offshoots of the dispute. What they think should be done at the site has to be taken seriously. They have to be taken on board along with the liberal leadership of the communities. Today the most amicable solution has to veer around respecting Ram and Allah both. Both temple and mosque can be accommodated in the area, with equal importance and respect.

Along with temple and mosque in the same spot we need to bring up a museum dedicated to the great tradition of Ayodhya. Ayodhya has not only been popular for Lord Ram, but it had also been a place for Buddhists and also people of other faith as well. It has been a sort of 'No War zone' (A- no, Yudhya-War, Ayodhya- A no war zone), and that spirit has to be cultivated all around. The emotive and divisive appeals need to be rejected by the nation as a whole. In that light the museum-memorial has to be the one of syncretic traditions, of saints who were followed by Muslims and Hindus both, of Sufis who again were respected by Hindus and Muslims both. While the history has been made to degenerate into hoarse shouting, a cool reasoned archeological based understanding should help us to go further. The negotiations between the communities have to be encouraged to the last.

The second line of action has to relate to the court verdict. The court verdict should be final for all of us. The formulation that faith will decide the birth place of the Lord has no place in a society governed by law and reason. The community leaders must give undertaking to respect the court verdict and act accordingly. Those not having faith in the courts cant be the part of the process of reconciliation as reconciliation has to be done in the framework of Indian Constitution. We have invested too much in this issue and it is time that not only this but even other such issues are not given any importance to ensure that the country, nation, can focus on the issues related to bread, butter shelter, employment and health.

Ram Puniyani

http://bombay.ozg.in

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Uncivilized Practices of the Civil Society

2009-12-19T22:33:00.000-08:00

The term 'Civil Society' is mostly used for voluntary organizations, non-governmental organizations and non-profit institutions. These are also called as civil society organizations. Interestingly, most of these organizations are always busy in criticizing the state (which is of course not wrong as the state is a failure), but they themselves behave like the state when it comes to the issues of Adivasis, Dalits and Women of D-section (deprived sections), even though they have also failed in delivering justice to marginalized peoples. Most of these organizations are led by elites even after 62 years of Indian independence. They enjoy corporate rate salaries, luxurious accommodations and air travel in the name of Adivasis, Dalits and women of D-section. The misappropriation of funds in the name of marginalized groups remains uncounted, despite that they are masters in lecturing on the issues of responsibility, transparency and accountability.

There are very interesting kinds of so-called civil society organizations – 1) based in the small cities or villages and getting less funds, 2) headquartered in Delhi and other big cities and bagging huge funds, and 3) NGO federations called people's organizations. Perhaps, the secretary, director and chief functionaries of these organizations are never replaced against their will, though they talk much about democracy. These civil society organizations also bring the mass organizations, social movements and displacement movements into their clutches and cash these in dollars, euros and pounds. Don't be surprised if some organizations based in Delhi show you a beautiful power point presentation about the Adivasi movements against displacement in Jharkhand, Orissa or Chhatishgarh.

There are also the holy cows called 'funding agencies' (national and international), who love to be called civil society organizations, whose prime job is to collect the money, enjoy most of it and give the rest to other organizations. Ironically, these organizations fund those NGOs headed by non-Adivasis for the revival of Adivasi tradition, culture and ethos, but at the same time they avoid joining hands with Adivasi-headed organizations for the same purposes. The sad part is, the Adivasis are still unqualified for the funding organizations; therefore, a few Adivasis can be seen in the lowest strata of these organizations, despite their professional qualities, commitment and dedication. There are also some organizations who advocate for the Adivasi Chief Minister for the state of Jharkhand, but when it comes to the matter of their organizations, they cannot bear to see an Adivasi in the driving seat. They also advocate for promotion and protection of Adivasi languages, but their doors are always closed for the non-English speaking, marginalized people.

These organizations tirelessly use the connotation 'empowering the marginalized', 'voice to the voiceless' and 'women empowerment,' but when it comes to the question of leadership, they just escape in one way or the other. Why did the civil society organizations fail in bringing up the Adivasi leadership was the most important question repeatedly asked in the National Consultation on Adivasis of India organized by the National Centre for Advocacy Studies (NCAS) in Delhi on December 15-16, 2009. A noted Gandhian and founder of the Ekta Parishad, P.V. Rajgopal, accepts in denial mode that the civil society organizations have failed in bringing up the Adivasi leadership but he also advocates for a united fight by saying, "The issue like displacement is not just limited to the Adivasis but it is also hitting the farmers, vendors and fishermen." But does it mean that the question of Adivasis get less priority?

Ironically, the non-Adivasi leaders of the civil society organizations not only respond diplomatically but also justify their leadership of the Adivasis. While responding to the questions of Adivasis leadership, a prominent social activist from Jharkhand, Sanjay Bosu Mullick, says, "Since the Adivasis do not know about the exploitative system and structure of our (non-adivasis) society, therefore we are fighting with our people on behalf of them." One can only appreciate this diplomatic response and thank the God who has given wits, wisdom and knowledge only to the non-Adivasis for not only understanding their society but also the Adivasis, and shame on those Adivasis (like me) who do not even possess the wisdom to understand their own society.

The reality is that the Adivasis are racially discriminated, exploited economically and denied their rights in the civil society organizations. Similarly, the Dalits are treated like untouchables, uneducated and inhuman, and the women of D-section are not only exploited socially, economically and mentally but they are also exploited sexually by the Big-bosses of the civil society organizations. The irony is, our participation is for them is to listen to our sorrows patiently through their tongues in a conference hall, give our consent to their words and always make sure that they are our messiahs. How would you explain it when your wisdom, commitment, dedication, capacity and efficiency do not matter for them but your race, caste, class, colour and relationship possesses multiple values for them instead?

When the Adivasis enter into these organizations, especially in the funding ones, their years of work experience are counted as one or two years (so that they can be kept in the lowest strata), they are compared with their counterpart (always a non-adivasi is used as a parameter for them) for further promotion and their ten achievements are not enough to beat the couple of achievements of a non-Adivasi. When one raises these issues in the organizations, they would manipulate, manufacture consent with their colleagues and dilute the whole debate to ensure that the Adivasis lose the game. Finally, if the Adivasis leave these organizations, they would frame them as opportunists, non-committed to the Adivasi cause and counted as one more enemy of the Adivasis.

One can question that why are the marginalized people of these organizations keeping quiet in these circumstances? The instant answer is, a wage labourer bears all kinds of discrimination, exploitation and torture only because he/she knows that the day a question is raised, he/she would be thrown out of the job. Similar theory is applied to the marginalized people, who are ensuring their daily bread from these civil society organizations. How can one dare to question the big-boss, when he/she is just struggling for survival? Can you imagine how the marginalized people are being exploited, denied and discriminated against in those organizations, who tirelessly talk about participation, empowerment, rights, equality and justice?

The fact of the matter is the perception, attitude and behaviour of the elite heads of civil society organizations towards Adivasis, Dalits and women of D-section are no different from the common people of the so-called civilized society. They talk much about participation, empowerment, rights, equality and justice merely to ensure themselves a luxurious life, bag awards and become a role model in the name of Adivasis, Dalits and Women of D-section; therefore, they also play the game of words just like the politicians do. Can anyone remind me about how many Adivasis, Dalits and women of D-section were awarded (megasese) for their extraordinary work and became a role model for all Indians?

Interestingly, the vision of these organizations is more or less the same – formation of an equitable and just society, but the pertinent question is how the utopian vision can be achieved through discriminatory, inequitable and unjust practices? In fact, the elite heads of the civil society organizations should stop their uncivilized practices, which they are carrying out for decades. It is the right time to let the marginalized people play their own game, become umpires and take over as the match referee. And the elites should only become the fourth umpires rather than playing match for the marginalized people. Then only their talks about the empowerment, equality and justice can be fulfilled.

Before civil society organizations organize the next consultation, convention or conference on Adivasi, Dalit or Women's Rights, all marginalized people should stand up and say strongly that enough is enough, let the Adivasis, Dalits and women of D-section speak for themselves. The time has come to tell them (non-Adivasis heads) that we are grateful to you for advocating on behalf of us for the last six decades, but no more manipulation please. We are tired of hearing about our grievances through your holy tongues; therefore, we want the world to listen to our grievances through our mouths. We want to speak for ourselves and we are capable enough to save our culture. But the question that may remain unanswered is, will you, the Messiahs of the Adivasis, Dalits and women listen us?

Gladson Dungdung

http://jharkhandtourism.ozg.in

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Jharkhand vote mining

2009-12-14T05:42:00.000-08:00

The truth that prevails in Jharkhand is that, all political parties are treating people of Jharkhand for granted, as if they are fools. Blood group of almost all the political parties are + C. Short form of PLUS CORRUPTION.

Arjun Munda had gone all the way to London to the residence of Mr. Laxmi Mittal to pursuade him not to withdraw from the soil of Jharkhand. WHY? Fact is natural wealth of the state is for looting in the name of mining but instead of taking up the remedial measures to correct the mistakes, he tried to justify his actions in the name of development. Whose development he is talking about? He has no moral right to point his finger at others as corrupt.

BJP talks of farmers rights and not to forcibly acquire any farm land but at Chhattisgarh where they are in power have bluntly hijacked the constitutional rights of tribals, even at the cost of making mockery of PESA to forcibly acquire land of over 1500 tribal familes at Lohandiguda for greenfield steel plant of Tatas.

Salwa Judum has resulted in destruction of over 644 villages displacing about 3.5 Lakh tribals in Dantewada area of Chhattisgarh.

Salwa Judum is led by a congress leader with support coming in from the BJP run state government. This is the area where best quality of iron ore reserves are located beneth the soil. But in the name of combating naxalites, all the mischiefs are made with innocent tribals, many of whom have been killed in fake encounters. But none of the party speaks a single word about what is going on. Why? But in Jharkhand, they show a different face.

Congress has also miserably failed to discharge its duties as the opposition party in Odisha, to safeguard the interest of the tribals but talks big as if they are the only party championing the cause of tribals, despite mining scam has been well exposed now. Do Congress have any moral right to point finger at the sins of corrupt Madhu Koda, who was in power with their support only. Can Koda alone swallow the cake of Rs. 5000 crore or even much bigger than that without the blessings of the supporting parties?

About Mr. Editor: Now a day, most of the Media has gone in to the hands of corporations who have their own priorities rather than to perform their duties as the fourth pillar of the democracy. Mr. Editor of the leading daily you are talking about is doing what he is asked to do for which he is paid. Owner of that leading newspaper must have his own interest to bake the cake in the oven of that particular party for whom Mr. Editor sings the song. Such persons have no moral right to stay there for even a single day. This is one more example to expose how media is sold out playing as a tool in the hands of political parties.

What does that Mr. Editor wants to say by saying now or never? Does he think that this is the last election and end of democracy for the people of Jharkhand, if they do not vote for a particular party of his choice? Ridiculous!

Jharkhandis have suffered a lot and much more after the sate was carved out of undivided Bihar. Spineless, corrupt and inefficient people have not only mortgaged the long term interest of the people of Jharkhand but have also been instrumental in large scale demographic attack on the tribal areas resulting in to erosion of their centuries old well preserved culture.

In the name of development, these leaders, who got an opportunity to come to power have sold the state. Are all those corrupt faces any less than the Mir Jafars or Jaychands? What both these biggest traitors of our history have done is now being done by the present day rules of the state, irrespective of which party they belong to. By redefining the definations of development, the only agenda for them to to pocket large sums of money by inking Mous and allow natural wealth for loot in the name of captive mining at a laughably low rate of royalty. Why no body talks about inviting global tender for mines when we talk of globalisation and are a member of WTO. But if this is done, games of inking Mous will be over, which no politicians will like.

Rich land but Poor People is no more a puzzle to crack. Even poor tribals have understood the secret of inking MoUs.

Tragedy is that the very police who are duty bound to protect the lives and property of the citizens by the virtue of oath they have taken under the constitution of India are behaving as the private army of the eagle eyed corporations.

Pravin Patel

The Jharkhand Assembly Election is at its peak. The Congress promises for prosperous Jharkhand, the BJP assures for free lunch (rice and wheat at Rs.1per kg and salt at 25 paisa) and the JMM vows for overthrowing the fear, hunger and corruption into bay, the communists bat for better state and the other smaller parties dream of glorious Jharkhand. The film stars are engaged in the operation vote hunt, the security forces are deployed for ensuring the people's democratic rights (only right to vote) and the Maoists are engaged (by their Netas) in the activities of disrupting it. However, Mr. Editor of a leading daily is also busy in his own invented media election campaigns. He writes in his special column, "If you miss the opportunity, you have to pay for it". He goes on writing, "You have undergone through the painful experienced for last nine years therefore at least, vote for your children, family, society, Jharkhand and India, of course."

I just laugh on the passionate aspiration of Mr. Editor. Precisely, because how can one expect any miraculous change for the state, from those corrupt politicians, who are born only to grab the public money. How can one suddenly forget about the corruption icon Madhu Kora, who was mines minister in Arju Munda (BJP) led NDA government and of course, he bagged huge public money in UPA term. Can you vote for those politicians who replaced Babulal Marandi with Arjun Munda (flag bearer of corruption) only because he did not allow them to grab the public money? The foundation stone of corruption was laid down in Jharkhand by the blackmailers (MLAs) of JD(U) and Samta Party (now all co-travelers of Nitish Kumar) supported by the BJP in 2003, now making lots of noises against corruption indeed.

What would you name them who had hijacked Jharkhand Party's MLA, Enos Ekka by special chopper and later on transported to Jaipur by a chartered plane with other 4 Independents and 36 NDA MLAs in 2005 after the election results was declared? They decided about the fate of Jharkhand in the five-star Hotel in Jaipur. Similarly, how can we believe in the Congress, who betrayed the Jharkhand for many times, defeated its own supported Chief Minister (Sibu Soren) and engaged in doing all possible attempts to acquire power in the state? But when we have no option in the so-called democracy, we have to choose our leaders among bad and the worst leaders. Even if we boycott the election, the government will be formed in one or other way. Therefore, the voting is on and we are praying to the God, "Give us at least bad leaders not the worst, let win the less corrupt leaders not the most corrupted ones and let's breathe peacefully for choosing small criminals not the Dons.

Most of the Jharkhandis (believe, talk and walk on the values of Jharkhandi culture) are afraid, anxious and worried about their destiny as the National Election Watch regularly reports us, "Your expected MLAs, whom you would be handing over your destiny for the next five years are Millionaires, Tainted and Criminals. However, the dance of democracy is underway. The percentage of the vote is overwhelming with 52 %, 54 % and 55 % in the first, second and third phases respectively, which seems to be resulting in favour of the Congress-JVM alliance. If the trend continues the congress-JVM alliance can get nearly 30 to 35 seats and form the government with the support of the JMM which is expected to bag nearly 10 to 15 seats.

If everything goes well, the JMM would like to join the Congress alliance for three obvious reasons - one to avoid further trouble of the investigation agencies, second, it would like to bring more central fund to Jharkhand with the holy relationship between the centre and state governments and third, to stop the operation green hunt as many Maoists have joined the democratic process through the JMM. In that case, the UPA's unwelcome alliance partners – Lalu and Paswan will be marginalized once again. Obviously, there would be some impact of the Liberahan Commission's Report in the election as some sort of polarization in the favour of the Congress alliance is well noticed and if it continues the JD(U)'s Muslim voters can desert the party which would be clear loss to the NDA.

However, if some quick changes take place in the polls of 4th and 5th phases, the BJP alliance can reverse back and change the game by winning nearly 25 to 30 seats, which would surely result in forming of the government with the support of the AJSU and the JMM. Don't' forget, the JMM will not hesitate in joining hands with any alliance for acquiring power in the state (apparently, now the party seems to become power grabbing party rather than the Jharkhandi party, which fights for the Jharkhandi identity, culture and ethos). Obviously, Guruji Sibu Soren would remember Madhu Kora's recent jail journey (when the Congress was unable to digest the huge turn out in Madhu Kora's election campaigns despite a hue and cry on misappropriation of 4000 crore and regular attack from the all corners).

Another factor needs to be mentioned here is, if the Maoist Bandh hit the state, the BJP will be in the driving seat. The history suggests, in the Lok Sabh election 2004, the BJP had won merely 1 seat despite it was ruling at the centre and the state as well. In the general election 2009, it won 8 seats despite losing many states. Apparently, it is not because the BJP is very popular in the state but the Maoists bandh worked in favour of the BJP. The rural voters did not turned out in the large numbers due to Maoist threat and the urban voters (mostly the business community) voted for the BJP. But let's not forget, the situation has rapidly changed and despite the Maoist thereat, the rural people are voting and the urban voters are not very keen in casting their votes, which can shock to the BJP.

The BJP is also suffering from the leadership crisis, which is in the public domain. The congress is campaigning with Sonia, Manmohan and Rahul in the front page but BJP still wants the Vajpayee's charisma. Its ads show Vajpayee as prominent leader followed by Advani and Rajnath. In that case, how can voters would be interested to vote for a person, whom they have not seen for such a long time? It is also very clear that Vajpayee was part of the Ayodhya movement, which Murli Manohar Joshi publicly revealed in Varanashi recently, which would surely cost the BJP and the NDA at large. It is also because the BJP sings the same song every time.

However, there is no hope for the Adivasis, in whose name the state was formed. The Adivasis would be the most suffers for another five years. If the Congress alliance forms the government, the operation green hunt will be started, where Adivasis would be humiliated, tortured, raped, jailed and killed in the name of the Maoists on the one hand and the corporate development model would be promoted under the shadow of the guns and the democratic people's movement would be crashed on the other. Similarly, if the BJP alliance forms the government, there would be another operation white hunt against the Christian Adivasis operated by the RSS with the supported of the state government. The BJP would also make operational of 54 MoUs singed by Arjun Munda government with the support of operation green hunt. There would be more and more police firing, torture and brutality on the people's democratic movements (it was seen during the last NDA regime). The natural resources of the state would be sold to the multinationals and people will remain the poor.

Unfortunately, the Jharkhand is treated merely like an economic and political state by both the national parties – the Congress and the BJP. Their leaders failed to understand that the Jharkhand was formed as a cultural state followed by political and economic bindings. Therefore, only the regional parties (who understand about the Jharkhandi identity, culture and ethos) can meet its aspirations. There is a thrust need of a regional party like DMK, who can engineer the destiny of the state. The JMM could have played that role but it has lost the track in capturing the power. Indeed, the national parties will lead the coalition government with the instructions of the Big Boss and the regional parties would not be in the position to form the government. Therefore, the mandate of the Assembly Election 2009 would not be for engineering the destiny of Jharkhand but it would be for the operation Jharkhand hunt, no matter whether it would be in the form of operation green, white or red hunt.

Gladson Dungdung

http://jharkhand.ozg.in

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Make prostitution legal if you can't curb it: Supreme Court says to Govt

2009-12-10T01:00:00.000-08:00

The Supreme Court on Wednesday asked the Centre whether it could legalize prostitution if it wasn't possible to curb it.

"When you say it is the world's oldest profession and when you are not able to curb it by laws, why don't you legalize it? You can then monitor the trade, rehabilitate and provide medical aid to those involved," Justices Dalveer Bhandari and AK Patnaik told Solicitor-General Gopal Subramaniam.

The court said legalizing sex trade would be a better option to avoid trafficking of women and pointed out that nowhere in the world was prostitution curbed by punitive measures.

Subramaniam said he would look into the suggestion. "They (sex workers) have been operating in one way or the other and nowhere in the world have they been able to curb it by legislation. In some cases, they (the trade) is carried out in a sophisticated manner. So, why don't you legalize it?" the judges asked.

The court was hearing a PIL filed by NGOs Bachpan Bachao Andolan and Childline complaining about large-scale child trafficking in the country and seeking directives to contain it.

The apex court also wondered why 37% of the country's population continues to reel under below poverty line at a time when then there is much talk of growing GDP rate in the country.

The bench said child trafficking and sex trade were flourishing because of poverty which needs to be tackled.

"We are taking about growing GDP. I do not know what is the development we are all talking about when the number of BPL families is at 37% which has increased from 30%.

"Growth of GDP does not mean some four or five families have developed. If this is the state of development, we can't help it," the bench said while posting the matter for further hearing to January 5.

The contention of the petitioner is that a number of minor children, particularly girls and those of tender age, are being pushed into sex trade.

Childline counsel Nandita Rao alleged several minor girls are being sexually exploited by circus owners and there has to be adequate legal framework to prevent such exploitation.

Responding to her suggestion, the Solicitor General told the bench that government was contemplating a legislation to declare circus as a "hazardous industry" to prevent abuse of child labourers.

PTI / 10 December 2009

http://delhi.ozg.in

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The Telangana turmoil

2009-12-10T00:33:00.000-08:00

'Telangana is my birthright' reads a slogan on Osmania University campus / A Radhakrishna.

"In this day and age with technology at our disposal we can govern even from the moon, so why small states for better administration?" was the question of a 'status-quo' ist.

Telangana, if formed with its current 10 districts will be larger than Kerala or even West Bengal. It is a vast region in a large state - Andhra Pradesh. Fifty years after the formation of Andhra Pradesh, the administration with all the available technology has not given a sense of belonging to the people of this region.

"Linguistic States cannot be dilated, we Telugus are one and so the idea of two Telugu speaking states does not even gel," asserted a good-natured scholar.

The neglect of Telangana, particularly of its language and culture is palpable. Telugu films often use Telangana Telugu for comedy or to portray villainous guile. In all my travels in the Telangana districts, I have heard some of the sweetest and may even say, a distinctly chaste Telugu. The people are very affectionate and have clung on to their traditions - both folk and classical - with great zeal. They instantly compose little verses, which they gladly sing and dance even if the composition cries about the poverty or about lack of rain. All these have only a 'nukkad' value here and that's the neglect.

"Inherently, the people in these districts are not enterprising - their agricultural skills were rudimentary, they could not bring in newer small or big technologies to enhance production. Tangible changes happened, post 1956, only with the migration of dynamic people - workers and investors," claimed a hard-nosed economist.

The region lived under utter shameful feudal oppression for centuries. The razakar violence is fresh in the minds of several families even today. This was followed by Left extremism, which was a product of years of neglect and resultant hopelessness.

The violence, destruction of person and property could not be justified but only extended the oppression. Drastic land reforms could not benefit the poor who did not have the wherewithal to cultivate. Irrigation helped the resourceful and the enterprising but not the deserving poor who formed the bulk of the population. Farmers' suicide in Warangal and Nalgonda are well documented.

Soon came globalization with its urbancentric vulgar unnatural growth resulting in the further neglect of rural areas. Hence, layer over layer neglect has piled up, each strengthening the other.

"6 out of 15 Chief Ministers of Andhra Pradesh hailed from Telangana," anguished a seasoned political leader.

It is very well to argue that several Chief Ministers of AP hailed from this region. A rough calculation tells us that from 1 November 1956 there were about 15,414 days (leaving aside the current CM's tenure and days under President's rule) of governance under elected governments. Nearly 54 per cent of this time was under CMs hailing from Rayalaseema, about 25 per cent under CMs from Telangana and 21 per cent under CMs from the Coastal area. We can only conclude that both Telangana and Rayalaseema did not gain anything substantial on that count.

"Hyderabad, the state capital with a world class airport is here. Only regions which are far flung from the Capital, for want of attention, long for separate statehood. Telangana's demand is perplexing" said a leader from distant Delhi.

The development in and around Hyderabad is like a bubble, which an aam Hyderabadi is unable to grasp. He lives in his crowded warm 'basti.' We have heard of one hell-hole - Bholakpur - but there could be a few more. Anyone who argues that this contrast is because of globalization, is only talking of the top layer of neglect referred to earlier.

We have heard all this and more in denying Telangana its rightful role in the national arena for sixty long years. The demand for Telangana is drowned in the cacophony of the self-serving politicians, the din of the omnipresent 24x7 media and in the violent agitation. Violence is frightening away well wishers and policy makers.

10 Dec 2009 /expressbuzz.com

http://telugu.ozg.in

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Total No. ofï¿½ villages	6
Total Population	2761
Total Family	781
Total beneficiariesï¿½ covered under PDS	728
Total BPL Families	576
Total APL Families	152
Allotment of Rice given toï¿½ per BPL familiesï¿½ per month	25 kg @ Rs.2/- per kg
Allotment of kerosene given toï¿½ per BPL familiesï¿½ per month	4 litrers @ Rs 9.30ï¿½ per litre
Allotment of Sugar given toï¿½ per BPL familiesï¿½ per month	2 kg @ Rs. 13.50 per kg
Allotment of Rice given toï¿½ per APL familiesï¿½ per month	25 kg @ Rs.2/- per kg
Allotment of wheat given toï¿½ per APL familiesï¿½ per month	15 kg @ Rs. 7.00 per kg
Allotment of kerosene given toï¿½ per APL familiesï¿½ per month	4 litrers @ Rs 9.30ï¿½ per litre

Shiba Sardhar,ï¿½ BPL beneficiary	Village-Bhaluchuan
I have not got kerosene 2 litres thrice during last six months. The dealer never supplied 4 litres of kerosene in our Panchayat.ï¿½ Though I complained, dealer never responded it.

Parameshwar Bariha, BPL beneficiary	Village-Badimal
I have received 2 litres of keroseneï¿½ï¿½ thrice in the last six months.ï¿½ BPL and APL beneficiaries are distributedï¿½ï¿½ just 2 litres of kerosene in each month.ï¿½ Dealers distribute kerosene in two days in a month. If one remains absence in these days, he or she losses kerosene in this month.

Narayan Pradhan, APLï¿½ beneficiary	Village-Bender
Sugar is not distributed regularly.ï¿½ï¿½ï¿½ During last six months, I have receivedï¿½ 1.5 kg of sugar in one month andï¿½ 2 kg of sugar in another month.

Jayasuddhin Bariha, APLï¿½ beneficiary	Village-Badimal
I have received APL Card.ï¿½ï¿½ I have received rice twiceï¿½ï¿½ in 2008.ï¿½ One day, Panchayat Executive Officer cameï¿½ to my house and said thatï¿½ you are no more APL Card holder. Your card got cancelled.ï¿½ I was not provided rice. I complained to BDO, Khaprakholï¿½ about it. He said that he would see it. I am not receiving rice now.

Surya Bag, APLï¿½ beneficiary	Village-Badimal
Sugar is not distributed in our Panchayat. However in the month of Septemberï¿½08, dealer distributed sugar to the beneficiaries.ï¿½ The day sugar was distributed, my husband was absent.ï¿½ On return I told him about distribution of sugar. On next day, he went to dealer and Panchayat thrice to get sugar. But dealers said that sugar is finished.ï¿½

Debaki Bhoi, APLï¿½ beneficiary	Village-Kandeichhapar
She received rice twiceï¿½ in 2008. Panchayat Executive Officerï¿½ withdrewï¿½ the card suddenly.ï¿½ Since last one year, she is not receivingï¿½ rice.

Aï¿½ BPL family is entitledï¿½ to getï¿½ kerosene within six months	24 litres
Surveyedï¿½ 175 BPL/APL families are entitled to getï¿½ keroseneï¿½ within six months	4200 litres
Actualï¿½ quantity of kerosene received byï¿½ these 175 surveyed families within six monthsï¿½	2002 litres
Availability of kerosene per householdï¿½ during six months	11.44 litres ( approximately)
Total no. of 728 ( both BPL and APL)ï¿½ beneficiaries deserve to getï¿½ quantity of keroseneï¿½ within six months	17,472 lires
Total quantity of actual kerosene received by these 728 families within six months	8328.68 litres
Black-marketing of keroseneï¿½ within six monthsï¿½ in the Panchayat	9143.32ï¿½ litres
Market price ofï¿½ this black-marketed keroseneï¿½ ( at the rate ofï¿½ Rs. 20/- per litre)	Rs. 1,82,873. 60/-

Anï¿½ APL family is entitledï¿½ to getï¿½ wheat within six months	90 kg
Surveyedï¿½ 43 APL families are entitled to getï¿½ wheatï¿½ within six months	2070 kg
Actualï¿½ quantity of wheat received byï¿½ these 43 APL surveyed families within six monthsï¿½	374 kg
Availability of wheatï¿½ per householdï¿½ during six months	16.200 kg
Total no. of 152 beneficiaries deserve to getï¿½ quantity of wheatï¿½ within six monthsï¿½ ( 152 X 90 kg)	13,680 kg
Total quantity of actual wheatï¿½ received by these 152 families within six months	2462.4 kg
Corruption in distribution ofï¿½ wheat within six monthsï¿½ in the Panchayat	11,202.4 kg
Market price ofï¿½ this black-marketed wheatï¿½ï¿½ ( at the rate ofï¿½ Rs. 15/- per lkg)	Rs. 1,68, 036/-

Aï¿½ BPL family is entitledï¿½ to getï¿½ sugar within six months	12 kg
Surveyedï¿½ 152 BPL families are entitled to getï¿½ sugarï¿½ within six months	1824ï¿½ kg (18.24 quintals)
Actualï¿½ quantity of sugarï¿½ received byï¿½ these 152 surveyed families within six monthsï¿½	284 kg
Availability of sugarï¿½ per householdï¿½ during six months	1800 gram
Total no. of 576 beneficiaries deserve to get quantity of sugarï¿½ï¿½ within six months	6912 kg ( 69.12 quintals)
Total quantity of actual sugarï¿½ received by these 576 families within six months	1036.8 kg
Black-marketing of sugarï¿½ï¿½ within six monthsï¿½ in the Panchayat	5875.2 kg ( 58.75 quintals)
Market price ofï¿½ this black-marketed Sugarï¿½ ( at the rate ofï¿½ Rs. 36/- per litre)	Rs. 2,11,507.20 /-